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Israel in Italien (Berlin, 1909). 

Jewish Life in Modern Times (ist edition, 1914; 2nd edition, 
revised, 1929). 

The Ruhleben Prison Camp (1917) 

The Journal of a Jewish Traveller (1925). 

A Ghetto Gallery (1931). 

Britain's Nameless Ally (1942). 

The Jews in the War (ist edition, 1942; 2nd edition, revised, 

J 943)- 

History of the Jews in Vilna (Philadelphia, 1943). 
The Zionist Movement (1945. American and French editions, 

1946. Spanish Edition, 1947. Hebrew and Italian editions, 

I95 1 )- 

The Progress of Zionism (8th revised edition, 1946. French 
edition, 1945). 

Contemporary Jewry (1950). 

Revised and enlarged edition of Paul Goodman's History of the 
Jews (1951). 








29 Great James Street 


IN 1951 




gionist leader, author, and historian, 

President of the ionist Executive, 1920-1931, 

President of the ionist Organisation and of 

the Jewish Agency for Palestine, 19311935 

Honorary President of the Zionist Organisation, 

f r? c , 
IP " O -<-'" 


THE purpose of this book is to give a concise and 
comprehensive history of the Zionist movement 
from its beginnings until the present day. It is based 
upon the knowledge derived from over fifty years* 
intimate association with the movement and of very 
many years of close contact with those responsible for its 
direction. I was fortunate to be present at the first 
public meeting in London addressed by Theodor Herzl 
in July, 1896, took part in the Conference in March, 
18985 that led to the establishment of the English 
Zionist Federation, and have attended every Zionist 
Congress since that of 1903. For a period extending over 
thirty years, from the spring of 1910, I was in the 
secretariat of the Central Office of the World Zionist 
Organisation, working in constant co-operation with a 
long succession of Executives, first in Cologne, next in 
Berlin, and longest of all in London, where I was 
General Secretary for many years an experience shared 
by nobody else. From the autumn of 1929 the London 
headquarters of the Zionist Organisation also formed the 
office of the Jewish Agency for Palestine. Despite this 
official connection, without which the writing of this 
book would have been extremely difficult, I have tried 
to maintain such a degree of objectivity as a historian 
can observe who writes a record of his own time and of a 
movement in which his own convictions are concerned. 
Over one-half of this book covers the period during 
which Great Britain was associated with Palestine as 
the Mandatory Power. The prelude to that connection 
was the Balfour Declaration of 1917, and the sequel was 
the decision of the United Nations in 1947. The states- 
men primarily responsible for the issue of the Declara- 
tion envisaged the ultimate establishment of a Jewish 
State, but it was the United Nations that decided upon 
its creation. The long and chequered course of events, 

* r 



at times heartening and at other disappointing and even 
tragic, which occurred between the conception and the 
realisation, is recounted in this book in sufficient detail 
to show why it was not Britain, but the United Nations 
that resolved to restore to the Jewish people its statehood 
on a part of its ancient homeland, and also why it was 
left to the Jews themselves to implement the resolution. 
Even if Britain had wished to accomplish this act her- 
self, which would certainly have been preferable, the 
sanction of a higher and international authority would 
have been necessary either that of the League of 
Nations before the war or that of the United Nations 
after it (although her unilateral elevation of the man- 
dated territory of Transjordan to an independent 
kingdom has never been challenged). But despite 
Britain's attitude in the epoch-making decision of the 
United Nations, she has the gratification of looking 
back upon a notable record of civilising work in the 
Holy Land and of reflecting that it was under her aegis 
and administration that Jewish industry, skill, and 
enthusiasm have wrought such a remarkable trans- 

The earlier chapters of this book are largely based 
upon my previous work, The Zionist Movement, which 
was written in 1944, and which I have carefully revised 
for the purpose. I have tried here to narrate all sub- 
sequent events and developments of outstanding import- 
ance up to the present day, but as I am only a historian 
and not a prophet, I have made no attempt to forecast 
the future except very briefly, and in terms that I believe 
to be justified by the past and the present. 

I. C. 

January, 1951. 



I. FORERUNNERS OF ZIONISM, 1695-1882 . . 13 

The Zionist idea Early advocates of Restoration 
Philo-Zionists in England Montefiore and Shaftes- 
bury Six notable Englishmen Advocates in France 
Two American Champions Rabbi Hirsch 
Kalischer Hess's Rome and Jerusalem -The Haskalah 
movement David Gordon and Peretz Smolenskin 
Lilienblum and Ben-Yehudah Pinsker's Auto- 

IL THE "LOVE OF ZION" MOVEMENT, 1882-1895 . 28 
The first societies in Russia The "Bilu" Palestine 
through the centuries The first settlements The 
Kattowitz Conference The growth of the Hibbath 
%ion Movement Societies in England and America 
Ahad Ha-am's "Cultural Zionism" The Order of 
"Bnei Mosheh" Baron Edmond de Rothschild's 
activities Defects of Hibbath %ion. 

III. THE HERZLIAN EPOCH, 1895-1904 . . 40 

HerzPs early career The Dreyfus Affair The 
Jewish State The search for support Opponents 
and supporters First political steps The First 
Zionist Congress The Basle Programme The Zion- 
ist Bank Interviews with the Kaiser Jewish National 
Fund Negotiations with the Sultan Alien Immigra- 
tion Commission and Altneuland The Sinai Peninsula 
project The East African offer Visit to Russia 
HerzPs last Congress The concluding phase. 


Rejection of the British offer The "I.T.O." 
"Political" and "Practical 55 Zionists Wolffsohn's 
leadership Brussels and St. Petersburg The Turkish 
Revolution "Synthetic Zionism'* Transfer of head- 
quarters to Berlin Beginnings of Zionist Colonisation 
Activities of the Palestine Office Origins of collec- 
tive settlements Hebrew schools and language 




The First World War Turkish oppression of Tishuv 
The Jewish Regiment First negotiations with British 
statesmen Preliminary Zionist proposals The 
Formulation of the Balfour Declaration Motives of the 
Declaration Interpreting the Declaration Counter- 
action by Central Powers Ultimate establishment 
of Jewish State The Zionist Commission Arab 
representations to Peace Conference Zionist pro- 
posals to Peace Conference First outburst of Arab 
hostility Conferment of Palestine Mandate. 

Jewry after the First World War Establishment of 
Zionist headquarters in London The question of 
Jewish rights The Conference of 1 920 Establishment 
of Keren Hayesod The Twelfth Zionist Congress 
Congress resolutions An ambitious budget Con- 
stitution and Executive Zionist offices and press 
Federations and Parties The W.I.Z.O. The Youth 

The first High Commissioner Character of Civil 
Administration Jewish communal organisation 
The Mufti of Jerusalem The detachment of Trans- 
jordan Arab demands and disorders The White 
Paper of 1922 Ratification of the Mandate Arab 
policy of non-co-operation The Mandates Commis- 
sion of the League British-American Convention 
Inauguration of Hebrew University Progress under 
the Samuel regime Lord Plumer's Administration 
* Furtherance of economic welfare. 

Establishing the Jewish National Home Strict regu- 4 

lation of immigration The Halutzim Immigration 
fluctuations and labour depression The General 
Federation of Jewish Labour Agricultural colonisa- 
tionMain types of settlement Collective settlements 
Functions of Jewish National Fund and Keren Haye- 
sod Urban developments and industries Growth of 
Cp^iBitterce^Heferew educational system Technical 
institute aad University Jewish health services. 



A decade of unrest Extension of the Jewish Agency 
Radical and Revisionist opposition Joint Palestine 
Survey Commission Constituent Meeting of the 
Jewish Agency Council The Western Wall Incident 
The disorders of 1929 The Shaw Report Sir John 
Hope Simpson's Report The Passfield White Paper 
The Prime Minister's Letter Mr. Lewis French's 
Report Settling the displaced Arabs Progress of the 
National Home Internal Zionist changes Revision- 
ist split and secession Problems of German Jewry. 


Proposed Legislative Council The Arab rebellion 
Palestine Royal Commission Royal Commission's 
Report The Plan of Partition Government policy 
Decision of Congress and Jewish Agency The 
League's conclusions The Arab response The 
Partition Commission The London Conference The 
White Paper policy The last pre-war Congress. 

XI. THE SECOND WORLD WAR, 1 939-1 945 152 

Effects of war upon Zionist movement The land 
restrictions Refugee boat tragedies Jewish offers to 
British Government The first Jewish volunteers 
Offer of Jewish Fighting Force Formation of Jewish 
Brigade Group Service on all fronts Fighting in 
Greece and Syria Services to Navy, Transport, and 
Public Works Jewish losses Agricultural de- 
velopments Expansion of industry Scientific and 
technical contributions Refugee immigrants and 
Youth Aliyah The White Paper restrictions Military 
arms trials Unjust sentences and provocation 
Survival of appeasement policy. 


Increase of Jewish population Growth of Jewish land 
possessions Progress of Industry and Commerce 
Zionist financial institutions Social and cultural 
developments The health system Schools and Uni- 
versity Literature and the Arts Political parties 
and religious Life. 




The sacrifices of Jewry The Biltmore Programme 
The Labour Party's Sympathy The Labour Govern- 
ment's somersault The war on immigrants The 
Anglo-American Enquiry A policy of repression 
The Morrison plan The Twenty-Second Congress 
The Bevin proposals Reference to the United 


The Special Committee on Palestine A Policy 
of Repression The "Exodus, 1947" The Special 
Committee's Recommendations The Majority Re- 
port The Minority Report The British Govern- 
ment's Views The Arab View The Jewish Agency's 
View American and Russian Views Discussion in 
Sub-Committees The Partition Plan The Question 
of Implementation Partition approved in Committee 
Partition adopted by General Assembly The 
Debate in Parliament. 

XV. THE STATE OF ISRAEL, 1947-1950 . . 22O 

Obstruction to United Nations decision Aggressive 
War by Arab States Establishment of Jewish State 
Second Phase of War Third Phase of War 
Bernadotte's Report Britain's Recognition of Israel 
Rejection of Bernadotte Proposals Defeat of Arab 
Annies Appointment of Conciliation Commission 
Election of Constituent Assembly Armistice Agree- 
ments Conciliation Commission's Conference 
InternationaHsation of Jerusalem unacceptable 
Israel's Progress and Future. 






TION ...... 262 





"And I will turn the captivity of my people Israel , and they 
shall build the waste cities and inhabit them. . . . And I will 
plant them upon their land, and they shall no more be plucked 
up out of their land which I have given them, saith the Lord 
thy 6W." 

AMOS ix. 14-15. 

"There is a store of wisdom among us to found a new 
Jewish polity, grand, simple, just, like the old a 
republic where there is equality of protection. . . . Then 
our race shall have an organic centre, a heart and a 
brain to watch and guide and execute; the outraged 
Jew shall have a defence in the court of nations. . . . 
And the world will gain as Israel gains." 

GEORGE ELIOT, Daniel Deronda (1876). 

"September 3rd, 1897. If I were to sum up the Basle 
Congress in one word which I shall be careful not to do 
openly it would be this: at Basle I founded the Jewish 
State, If I were to say this to-day, I would be met by 
universal laughter. In five years, perhaps, and in any 
case in fifty, every one will see it. The State is already 
founded in essence, in the will of the people to have a 
State. 35 

THEODOR HERZL, Tagebiicher, Vol. II, p. 24. 





E essence of the Zionist idea, the re-establishment 
of the Jews as a nation in Palestine, instinctively 
came into being immediately after the destruction of 
Judaea by the Romans. No sooner had the Jews lost 
their independence, which had lasted over 1,200 years, 
than they began to yearn and pray for its revival. The 
belief in the restoration of Zion acquired the position of 
a cardinal principle of the Jewish faith and became an 
all-pervasive element in Jewish life. Prayers for the 
rebuilding of Jerusalem not only recurred in the three 
regular services of the day and in the elaborate grace 
after every meal, but were interwoven in all parts of the 
liturgy. They were a familiar refrain throughout the 
year on Sabbaths, on festivals, and on fast-days. No 
preacher ever concluded his sermon without the Hebrew 
invocation. "And may the Redeemer come unto Zion!" 
to which the whole congregation responded with a 
fervid "Amen!" No marriage ceremony was solemnised 
without expressing the wish that "soon may there be 
heard in the cities of Judah, and in the streets of Jerusa- 
lem, the voice of joy and gladness!" No mourner was 
comforted without being reminded of "all those that 
mourn for Zion and Jerusalem." No house was dedicated 
without voicing the>hope for the speedy dedication of the 
Holy Temple in Jerusalem. And twice a year, at the 
domestic celebration of the Passover and at the termin- 
ation df the Day of Atonement, all who were loyal to the 
traditions of their people declared with sincere emotion: 
"Next year in Jerusalem!" 

Throughout the centuries of their dispersion, the Jews 
not only prayed for the return to Zion, but longed for 
it with unabating fervour. That was why, on so many 


occasions in the Middle Ages, Rabbis, poets, and other 
pietists, braving all the hardships and perils of the time, 
went on pilgrimages to the Holy Land, to spend their 
declining years in religious study and to be buried there. 
Few episodes in Jewish history are so moving as the last 
journey of Jehuda Halevi, that divinely gifted poet, 
whose sublime elegies on Zion are chanted in synagogues 
on the Fast of Ab, and whose fate after leaving Egypt 
for the haven of his desires is wrapped in mystery and 
crowned with legend. And it was also because of the 
impatient yearning for the return that whenever a false 
Messiah issued his call and there were many during the 
first seventeen centuries after the fall of Judaea Jews 
responded credulously and enthusiastically, glimpsing a 
glorious vision that was soon followed by the gloom of 


It was not until after the middle of the nineteenth 
century that the first practical steps were taken to convert 
the ideal into reality, for until then Jews had been un- 
able, owing to political impotence and the difficulties of 
organisation, to engage in any concerted action. The 
mere fact that they bestirred themselves, after so pro- 
longed an interval, to organise their return, was a 
testimony to the unconquerable ardour with which they 
clung to the idea and to their faith in the possibility of 
its realisation. Their initial attempts were preceded by 
the recurring advocacy of their return made by a 
number of both Jews and non-Jews of eminence. The 
earliest advocates were those Christian mUlenarians in 
this country in the days of Cromwell, who urged the 
readmission of the Jews to England, because they be- 
lieved that the coming of the Messiah, who would lead 
the Jews back to their ancestral home and usher in the 
"Kingdom of the Saints 33 that would endure a thousand 
years, would not take place until the Jews were dispersed 
in all lands, and they must therefore be found in England 


The first advocate of the idea on a purely secular basis 
was probably the Danish merchant, Oliger Paulli, who 
submitted elaborate schemes in 1695 to William III of 
England, Louis XIV of France, and other European 
monarchs. Similar proposals were made by the Marquis 
de Langallerie, who, in 1714, began negotiations with 
the Turkish Ambassador at The Hague; and later, 
in 1797, by the Prince de Ligne, who published a 
lengthy memorandum, in which he argued that the re- 
establishment of a Jewish State in Palestine would 
not only benefit that country and the Jews in it, but 
would also improve the position of the Jews in the 

By far the most notable proposal before the end of the 
eighteenth century was that made by Napoleon Bona- 
parte in the course of his campaign against Egypt and 
Syria. After he began the siege of Acre, in April, 1799, 
he issued a proclamation to all Jews to rally under his 
banners "in order to re-establish ancient Jerusalem/ 5 He 
called them "unique nation' 5 and "rightful heirs of 
Palestine/ 3 referred to the country as their "patrimony/ 5 
and declared that the moment had come, which might 
not return for thousands of years, to claim their "political 
existence as a nation among the nations. 55 But a month 
after the issue of this proclamation. Napoleon, without 
having entered Jerusalem or even penetrated to Acre, 
set out on his return to France, probably before his offer 
had reached any important Jewish community. In all 
probability he had been prompted to make his appeal 
by a letter addressed by a Jew to his brethren in the 
previous year. In this letter the anonymous writer 1 had 
pointed out that nine years after the issue of the Declara- 
tion of Human Rights, the hatred of the Jews by the 
nations had not lessened, and he argued that the yoke 
resting upon them would not be removed until they 
regained their rank as a nation among the other nations 
of the world by rebuilding the Temple of Jerusalem. 

1 It is iHicertain whether he was a French or Italian Jew. See N. Sokolow's 
Histon (/J^ionism, Vol. II, pp. 220-2, and N. M. Gelber, Vorgeschichte des Zwnimw, 
pp. 38-41. 



In England the idea of the restoration found frequent 
championship from the beginning of the nineteenth 
century in the most varied circles theological, literary, 
and political. Theologians wrote pamphlets in which 
they based their advocacy upon the Biblical promises 
and were partly moved by the hope that the Jews, on 
their return to Palestine, would be converted to Christ- 
ianity. In the literary sphere the idea was popularised 
in the Hebrew Melodies of Lord Byron, who gave poignant 
expression to the homelessness of the Jews in the famous 

The wild dove hath her nest, the fox his cave, 
Mankind their country, Israel but the grave. 

Benjamin Disraeli, who had travelled in the Near East as 
a young man, revealed his sympathy with the Jewish 
national idea in two romances, David Alroy and Tancred, 
and George Eliot made it the central theme of her 
famous novel, Daniel Deronda. 


Of the various personalities who began to show prac- 
tical interest in the earlier half of the nineteenth century 
in the settlement of Jews in Palestine, the first and most 
distinguished was the great humanitarian, Sir Moses 
Montefiore, who made the first of his pilgrimages to the 
country in 1827. Between that date and 1874 when, at 
the age of ninety, he made his seventh and last visit to 
Jerusalem, he devoted much thought and energy to the 
social and economic betterment of the Jews in the Holy 
Land and provided funds for the purpose. Indeed, he 
was seriously concerned with their welfare to the aid of 
liis days, and his centenary was celebrated by the Sir 
Moses Montefiore Testimonial Committee by the erec- 
tion of many houses and other buildings in Jerusalem, 

piore remarkable was the interest' displaced -by 
;; Sltaftslitity, ; tile statesman "' and social reformer, 


who, in 1838, pleaded for a Jewish settlement in Palestine 
under the guarantee of the Great Powers and wrote an 
article on the question in the Quarterly Review. In 1840, 
when there was a conference in London to discuss the 
future of Palestine and Syria, Lord Shaftesbury addressed 
a memorandum on the subject to the Foreign Secretary, 
Lord Palmerston, and The Times wrote that "the pro- 
position to plant the Jewish people in the land of their 
fathers" was "no longer a mere matter of speculation, 
but a serious political consideration." Palmerston was 
not unfavourable, but there was no Jewish organisation 
capable of dealing with so stupendous a problem, and 
he therefore manifested his sympathy by giving instruc- 
tions to the British Consul in Jerusalem to accord official 
protection to the Jews in Palestine a concession that 
may be regarded as the forerunner of the Balfour Declara- 
tion of 1917. 


Several other Englishmen took an active interest in the 
question. Colonel Charles Henry Churchill (grandson of 
the fifth Duke of Marlborough), an officer on the staff of 
the Allied Army which had compelled the Viceroy of 
Egypt, Mehemet AH, to withdraw from Palestine, wrote 
a letter in 1841 to Montefiore, urging the resettlement of 
the Jews in the country; but the Jewish Board of Deputies 
of which Montefiore was President, instructed him to 
reply that the Board was precluded from taking action. 
Another British military officer, Colonel George Gawler, 
accompanied Montefiore on a visit to Palestine in 1849, 
and four years later renewed his proposals that Jewish 
settlements should be promoted there by England* In 
the last quarter of the nineteenth century four other 
Ejaglshmea displayed an enthusiastic interest in the idea 
of the restoration* General Sir Charles Warroa proposed 
th$ formation of a chartered company to obtain a con- 
cession from the Sultan for a Jewish settlement with 
eveatwal s^gOvernmejat. Colonel G* JL Gonder spoke 
wrote in support of the idea indefetigably for some 



decades. Sir Edward Cazalet, who came of a Huguenot 
family (and whose grandson, the late Colonel Victor 
Cazalet, was chairman of the Parliamentary Palestine 
Committee), urged a large settlement of Jews under 
British protection and also suggested the establishment 
of a Jewish University in Jerusalem. 

More notable than these was the writer and traveller, 
Laurence Oliphant (1829-1888), who projected a large 
Jewish settlement in Transjordan, but failed to obtain 
the Sultan's consent. He visited Palestine twice, accom- 
panied by his Jewish secretary, Naphtali Herz Imber 
(1856-1909), the author of the Jewish national anthem, 
"Hatikvah," and took the keenest interest in the Jewish 
development of the country to the end of his days. 
Oliphant also went to Eastern Europe to distribute the 
money of the Mansion House Relief Fund among the 
Jewish victims of pogroms, and discussed Jewish ques- 
tions with leaders of the Hibbath ion ("Love of Zion") 
movement in Russia, Austria, and Rumania. His last 
years were spent at Haifa, where he was untiring in the 
help that he gave to Jewish settlers in the neighbourhood. 


In France, too, there were exponents of the idea. The 
historian, Joseph Salvador (1796-1873), who was the 
undisputed intellectual leader of French Jewry in the 
latter part of his life, published in 1860 a work entitled 
Paris, Rome and Jerusalem, in which he urged the holding 
of a Congress of the Powers for the reinstating of his 
people in their ancient land. Twenty years earlier there 
had appeared a book by the private secretary of Napo- 
leon III, Ernest Laharanne, who pleaded for the 
establishment of a Jewish State in Palestine and em- 
phasised the great cultural benefits that the Jews would 
coiifbr upon the Near East. And the founder of the 
ItatornationaJ Red Gross, Jean Henri Dunant, was Hke- 
'.aiji i enthusiasfc i.wfro,, in 1876, created the first 

'V, ' - , ' , 



On the other side of the Atlantic, among the Jews in 
the United States, the idea of the restoration also found 
two notable champions before Zionism had become an 
organised movement. The first was Mordecai Manuel 
Noah (17951851)3 who had occupied various posts in 
the American Government service. He originally pro- 
posed a Jewish colony on Grand Island, near Buffalo, 
but after realising the impracticability of the scheme, he 
became an ardent advocate of the restoration to Pales- 
tine. In an address that he delivered in New York in 
1844 he urged that it was the duty of Christians to help 
the Jews to regain the land of their fathers, and he 
received a letter from John Adams, the second President 
of the United States, who wrote: "I really wish the Jews 
again in Judaea as an independent nation. 5 ' The other 
American advocate was the gifted poetess, Emma 
Lazarus (1849-1887), who, deeply stirred by the 
Russian pogroms and the influx of refugees into 
America, poured out her soul in a succession of poems, 
published under the titles: Songs of a Semite, Ey the Waters 
of Babylon, and The Banner of the Jew. She also wrote an 
Epistle to the Hebrews, in which she roused the religious 
and national consciousness of American Jewry, and her 
name is immortalised by her lines of welcome to the 
homeless refugees inscribed on the Statue of Liberty in 
New York Harbour. 

While the idea of the resettlement of the Jews in their 
ancient land had numerous adherents in the Western 
world, a movement for its realisation began to develop 
among the Jews in Central and Eastern Europe from 
about the middle of the nineteenth century. These 
protagonists were more strongly moved than the 
advocates in England, France, or America, for they were 
itapeUed by more powerful motives: religious conviction, 
national consciousness, and personal experience of the 
intolerance to which their people were exposed in the 
Diaspora. For them the restoration to Palestine was not 


a project for the benefit of some remote group of people, 
but a matter of vital concern to their own communities; 
they were not interested in the political advantages that 
might accrue to some Power, but wished to see the 
realisation of eighteen hundred years of prayer. 


The first and most distinguished of these advocates of 
practical activity was an orthodox Rabbi, Zevi Hirsch 
Kalischer (1795-1874). He occupied the position of 
Rabbi at Thorn (in East Prussia) for forty years without 
a salary 3 living principally on a shop kept by his wife. 
He was a Talmudical authority of great repute and 
author of commentaries on the Pentateuch and the 
Shulchan Aruch* As early as 1830 he wrote to his former 
teacher, the famous Rabbi Akiba Eger, on the necessity 
of the return to Palestine, and several years later entered 
into correspondence on the subject with Baron Amschel 
Mayer Rothschild, Sir Moses Montefiore, and other 
notabilities. In 1843 he published his Emunah Teshara 
("The Right Faith") in two parts, in which he ex- 
pounded his system of enlightened orthodoxy, and in 
1 86 1 he issued a third part, Driskath %ion ("The Qjiest of 
Zion"). The views concerning Palestine that Kalischer 
expressed in this book seemed so advanced to his con- 
temporaries that it required much learning and dia- 
lectical argument to convince some Rabbis that his 
position was strictly orthodox. His three main theses, 
sustained by a great array of Biblical texts and Tal- 
jtnudical dicta, were: That the salvation of the Jews, as 
foretold by the prophets, can come only in a natural 
way by self-help, and does not need the advent of the 
Messiah; that the colonisation of Palestine should be 
advocated and undertaken without delay; and that the 
tfevixral of sacrifices ia the Holy Land at the present day 
was adimssifcle. He urged that a^ society of rich Jews 
9houjj& vJ^e"; formed to : ujicjertafce . the colonisation of 

1 Authoritative religious code-book compiled by Rabbi Joseph Caro (1488- 

i * . ' ' n V* ,**,>* i 


Palestine; that many Jews from Russia, Poland, and 
Germany should be helped by the society to settle on the 
land; that a guard of able-bodied young Jews should be 
trained to protect the settlers from attacks by the 
Bedouin; and that an agricultural school should be 
founded in Palestine to educate Jewish boys and girls in 
farming and in secular subjects. 

Kalischer convened a conference at Thorn of Rabbis 
and influential laymen, to whom he submitted his plan 
for practical work. One of its results was the establish- 
ment in 1 86 1 of the first Zionist society, in Frankfurt-on- 
the-Oder, but as this society met with difficulties it was 
transferred in 1864. to Berlin, where it was organised as 
the "Society for the Colonisation of the Land of Israel. 35 
A more important result was the establishment in 1870, 
in response to the insistent requests of Kalischer, of the 
first Jewish agricultural school in Palestine. This school, 
called Mikveh Israel, was built near Jaffa by the Alliance 
Israelite, the French Jewish philanthropic organisation, 
which was founded in 1860. Its creation owed much to 
Charles Netter (1826-1882), a leading member of the 
Central Committee of the Alliance, who obtained the 
requisite permit from the Sultan, spent three years in 
supervising the organisation of the school, and died at 
Mikveh Israel. The school, which exists to the present 
day, disappointed first expectations, as most of its trained 
pupils emigrated to Egypt or America, but it has played 
a useful part in the agricultural education of the youth. 


Another outstanding protagonist in Germany, but of 
quite a different character, was Moses Hess, who wrote 
the first critical exposition of the bases of Jewish national- 
ism. Born at Bonn in 1812, and brought up in a religious 
atmosphere, he threw himself at an eairly age into the 
maelstrom of political life as a journalist and speaker. 
From a National Liberal he became an advanced 
Socialist Democrat and a fellow-worker of Karl Marx, 


aggressive in their anti-Rabbinic attitude and preached 
what was virtually assimilation. They largely influenced 
intellectual circles, especially university students, and 
their movement was in the ascendant when the vision 
which it had propagated was suddenly and brutally 
shattered by the pogroms of 1881-82. So far from the 
Jews in Russia having achieved emancipation through 
their pursuit of Westernisation,, they had become the 
bleeding victims of Tsarist barbarism. The Haskalah had 
proved a will-o'-the-wisp, and the bitter reaction which 
resulted caused its followers to turn their thoughts 
seriously to the Jewish national idea. 


There were some Maskilim> however, who did not wait 
for massacres to be disillusioned: they had advocated the 
return to Zion many years earlier. The first was David 
Gordon (1826-1886), who was attached to the Hebrew 
paper Hamaggid, published in Lyck (East Prussia), and 
wrote a number of essays in it in 1860, in which he 
unfolded the basic principles of Jewish nationalism in 
connection with the renaissance of Palestine. He became 
the owner of the paper in 1882 and made it the principal 
organ of the Hibbath ion movement. 

A more influential champion of Jewish nationalism in 
the pre-pogrom days was Peretz Smolenskin (1842- 
1885), novelist and journalist, who began his literary 
career in the columns of Hamelitz, which was published 
in Odessa. After settling in Vienna, Smolenskin began to 
issue Ms monthly journal Hashalw, which attracted all 
the leading Hebrew writers of the day and rendered 
epoch-making services to the Hebrew language and its 
literature. He combated traditional orthodoxy and 
with equal vigour, assailed the Mendels- 
view that the Jews were only a religious com- 

munity and not a people, maintained that the principal 

' p^p^Vwifg 'tfup Jewi^i'-peplplei, was the IJc?l>rew 

Fal^lipiaB, idea with 


missionary fervour. In 1873 he wrote his Am Olam ("The 
Eternal People"), a reasoned exposition of Jewish 
nationalism, which produced a profound impression 
upon the Jews in Russia and other countries of Eastern 
Europe. He reinforced his writing by practical efforts: 
he discussed plans with Laurence OKphant, helped to 
form the first Jewish students 3 nationalist society in 
Vienna under the name of "Kadimah" (which means 
both "Eastward" and "Forward"), and carried on a 
busy correspondence until cut off by consumption at 


Smolenskin was staunchly supported by another lead- 
ing writer, Moses Leib Lilienblum (1843-1910), who 
became a regular contributor to Hashahar from 1870, the 
two forming the most notable representatives of the 
transition from the Haskalah to the nationalist movement. 
Observing the flight of Jews from Russia to America 
after the pogroms of 1881, and realising that that was no 
proper solution of the Jewish question, Lilienblum threw 
himself into the campaign for the national idea with the 
utmost ardour, wrote a brochure on "The Rebirth of the 
Jewish People in the Land of its Ancestors," and con- 
tinued an indefatigable fighter for the cause to the end 
of his life. Another contributor to Hashahar was EHezer 
ben-Yehudah, whose original name was Perlman (1857- 
1922). He wrote articles in 1879 pleading not only for 
the return of the Jews to Palestine, but also for the revival 
of Hebrew as a living tongue, and he settled in Jerusalem 
two years later to become the pioneer in the use of this 
language as the vernacular. 


The most powerful and resounding plea that came 
from Russia appeared in 1882 in the form of an anonym- 
ous pamphlet in German, called Auto-Emancipation, 
which was sub-titled "An Admonition to Ms Brethren, 


by a Russian Jew." The author was an Odessa physician, 
Dr. Leon Pinsker (1821-1891). He was the son of a 
Haskalah writer, Simha Pinsker, and one of the founders 
of the "Society for the Dissemination of Culture among 
the Russian Jews/ 5 but the anti-Jewish policy of the 
Russian Government compelled him later to abandon the 
assimilationist standpoint and radically to revise his view 
of the Jewish future. His Auto-Emancipation was the most 
searching analysis of the Jewish situation that had yet 
been written, and by reason of its penetrating insight, 
breadth of outlook, and pregnant style, it produced a 
more deep and lasting impression and influenced a far 
wider circle than any previous advocacy of the same idea. 
Pinsker summed up the helpless and humiliating 
position of the Jews in the following striking aphorisms: 

"We do not count as a nation among the other nations, and we 
have no voice in the council of the peoples, even in affairs that 
concern ourselves. Our fatherland is an alien country, our unity 
dispersion, our solidarity the general hostility to us, our weapon 
humility, our defence flight, our originality adaptability, our future 
to-morrow. What a contemptible role for a people that once had 
its Maccabees!" 

It was because the Jews were not a living nation, but 
everywhere aliens, wrote Pinsker, that they were despised. 
Civil and political emancipation was not sufficient to 
raise them in the estimation of other peoples. The only 
proper remedy was the creation of a Jewish nationality, 
of a people living on its own soil; that was the auto- 
emancipation of the Jews, their emancipation as a 
nation among nations by the acquisition of a home of 
their own. In order that they should not be obliged to 
wander from one exile to another, they must have an 
extensive and productive place of refuge, a gathering 
centre of their own, which their ablest representatives 
men of finance, science, and affairs, statesmen and 
publicists should combine to create. Existing organisa- 
ttoqs should convene a national congress or select a 
'/ which should <teqkle" which' 1 was- the more 

allow tie 


settlement of several millions/ 3 Pinsker had an open 
mind at first on the question of territory, but soon be- 
came a convinced supporter of Palestine. He proposed 
that the suggested directorate, in conjunction with a 
group of capitalists, should form a limited company, 
which should buy a large tract of land. Part of this should 
be sold to individual Jews at a little above cost price, 
and the proceeds of the sales, together with the yield of 
a national subscription, should be used by the directorate 
as a fund for the settlement of poor immigrants. He fully 
realised that the success of the plan would depend upon 
the support of governments, but if that were obtained 
they would have a refuge politically assured. His 
pamphlet made history, for although it did not achieve 
its ambitious purpose, it led to the first practical efforts 
to realise the national idea. 




first response to the various appeals to return to 
Palestine was made by the Jews of Russia. The hopes 
in which many had indulged, that they would achieve 
civil equality and just treatment like their brethren in 
Western Europe, were blasted after the assassination of 
Alexander II in 1881, when a period of intensified 
reaction set in, accompanied by the first blizzard of 
pogroms that became a sinister feature of the Tsarist 
tyranny. This reign of terror, together with a further 
crop of restrictive laws, compelled thousands of Jews 
who had previously believed in the coming of better 
times to abandon that hope and to look for salvation in 
other directions. Large numbers hurriedly emigrated to 
the United States as a sure and quick way to freedom and 
safety, and hosts of others, made wise by bitter experi- 
ence, turned to the Jewish national idea. The enthusiasm 
for "enlightenment" collapsed, and its place was taken 
by a new movement called Hibbath %ion s the "Love of 

In a great number of Jewish centres societies were 
formed of Hoveve %ion, or "Lovers of Zion," who dis- 
cussed the question of settling in Palestine as an immedi- 
ate and practical problem and urged the study of 
Hebrew as a living language. These societies, which met 
ki secret and at the risk of arrest by the police, were 
headed by resolute and influential personalities, mostly 
professional men, communal leaders and Rabbis, such 
as Leon Pinsker in Odessa, the writers Joseph Finn and 
Judah Leo Levanda in Viba, the historian Saul Pinhas 
-("Sliefe* 1 *) ',fai Warsaw, Rabbi Samuel 

THE "LOVE OF ZION" MOVEMENT, 1882-1895 29 

Mohilever in Bialystok, and Dr. Max Mandelstamm in 
Kiev. The youth, and, above all, the students flocked to 
the movement with particular ardour. 


A group of twenty-five Jewish students of the Kharkov 
University toured through Russia and recruited five 
hundred enthusiasts, fellow-students and others, who 
were eager to go out to Palestine at once as pioneers on 
the land, and to dedicate their lives to the realisation of 
the national ideal. They adopted as their motto the words 
from Isaiah, 1 Beth Jacob lechu ve-nelcha ("O house of 
Jacob, come ye and let us go forth"), and were called 
after the initial letters "Bilu." They transferred their 
committee from Kharkov to Odessa, and sent delegates 
to Constantinople to negotiate for the purchase of land 
in Palestine, but without any result. Efforts for the same 
purpose made by Sir Edward Cazalet and by Laurence 
Oliphant, who had met the would-be emigrants at 
Brody (Galicia) in the course of his relief mission to the 
victims of the pogroms, were likewise of no avail. The 
Turkish Government, fearing a Jewish invasion, issued 
a prohibition against immigration into Palestine, and 
the Russian Government forbade a continuance of 
emigration propaganda. The intended exodus was thus 
quashed, and only a small band of twenty young men, 
after having most of their money stolen on the way and 
other unpleasant adventures, succeeded in reaching 


These pioneers were not the only Jews in the country: 
on the contrary, there was then a Jewish population of 
about 20,000. It is a fallacy to imagine that Jews had 
ever entirely abandoned or deserted their ancestral land. 
From the day when it fell under the yoke of the Romans 
until the dav of the arrival of the "Biluim" there were 

1 Chapter H. 5. 


always Jewish communities in it. At times numerous and 
at others greatly diminished, suffering nearly always from 
poverty or persecution or both, yet upborne throughout 
by fortitude and faith, Jews were domiciled in Palestine, 
both in the towns and in the rural districts, through all the 
violent changes of fortune that overtook it. No governors, 
however ruthless, succeeded either in exterminating them 
or in stamping out their belief that they would survive 
their oppressors. Romans and Byzantines, Persians and 
Arabs, Seljuk Turks and Crusaders, Saracens and 
Mamelukes, Mongols and Ottoman Turks, they all in 
turn lorded it over the Holy Land at different periods 
and in different ways. Throughout all these eighteen 
hundred years and more after the conquest of Judaea no 
other polity was established to take the place of the 
ancient Jewish State. 

On two occasions in the early centuries promises were 
made to the Jews by powerful monarchs to restore their 
independence. The first promise was made by Emperor 
Julian the Apostate, in the middle of the fourth century, 
but he was killed in fighting the Persians two years later. 
The second was by the Persian King Chosroes II, who, 
early in the seventh century, received the help of the 
Jews in his invasion of Palestine under the bond of a 
pledge that he would re-establish the Jewish State, but 
after he had captured Jerusalem he rewarded them with 
penalties and banishment. When the Arabs, under 
Caliph Omar, occupied Palestine in 637, there were said 
to have been between 300,000 and 400,000 Jews in the 
country. But they steadily dwindled in the succeeding 
centuries, and their lot was one of continued distress, 
relieved only by the consolation of faith. The various 
groups of Jews from Europe and North Africa who went 
to Palestine from time to time settled mainly in Jerusalem, 
Hebron, Safed, and Tiberias, which were called the four 
Holy Cities; and as they were unable to maintain them- 
selves they appealed to their brethren in the Diaspora 
for kelp* From the end of the sixteenth century funds 
wore regularly collected and transmitted to them, and 

THE "LOVE OF ZION" MOVEMENT, 1882-1895 31 

as they were distributed among them these funds were 
called Halukah, which means "distribution/ 5 


The young "Biluim" who arrived in Palestine in 1882 
belonged to a totally different type from all the Jews who 
had preceded them. They went there not to pray and die, 
but to live and work and rebuild the country. The first 
settlement, or colony, as it was called, which ten of them 
founded not far from Jaffa was named Rishon le-Zion 
("First in Zion"); while other Russian Jews helped to 
restore the settlement of Petah Tikvah ("Gate of Hope") 
in the same district, which had been founded a few years 
earlier by some Jews of Jerusalem, who had abandoned 
it owing to an outbreak of malaria and afterwards 
returned. In the same year two agricultural settlements 
were established by Jews from Rumania, one at Rosh 
Pinah ("Head Corner-Stone 33 ), near Safed, the other 
at Samarin, on the road to Haifa. They were followed 
the next year by some Polish Jews, who created 
the settlement of Yesod Hamaalah ("Foundation of 
Ascent") near Lake Huleh. Thus, within a very short 
time, a footing was secured in the four districts of 
Judaea, Samaria, and North and South Galilee, in 
which most of the Jewish settlements were subsequently 

But the pioneers were faced by a more formidable 
problem than they had anticipated. Ignorant of agri- 
culture, unused to the climate and to hard physical 
labour, handicapped by the lack of proper housing and 
drinking water, and exposed to attack by the Bedouin, 
they found themselves saddled with what seemed a 
Herculean task. Moreover, they suffered from want of 
funds. They would therefore have probably been forced 
to give up their venture in despair but for the help that 
came from a noblehearted French Jew, whose interest 
was aroused by Rabbi Mohilever, Laurence Oliphant, 
and Joseph Feinberg (one of the founders of Rishon 


le-Zion). Their saviour was Baron Edmond de Roths- 
child (1845-1934)3 of Paris, who, from the moment his 
enthusiasm was fired, played the part of a princely 
benefactor to the Jewish settlements for over fifty years 
until his death. He provided generous subsidies for the 
colonists, and founded a further settlement, called Ekron, 
in Judaea, on which he installed Jews from the agri- 
cultural colonies of Southern Russia. The settlers of 
Samarin showed their gratitude by changing its name to 
Zichron Jacob, in memory of Baron Edmond's father; 
and in the same year nine members of Rishon le-Zion 
left to found the new settlement of Katra or Gederah, in 
Judaea, which they wished to make self-supporting. 


The leaders of the Hoveve tyon societies did not wish to 
let these practical developments in Palestine depend 
upon philanthropy, and therefore resolved to combine 
their forces so as to render effective aid themselves. Leon 
Pinsker, whose pamphlet and prestige made him the 
inevitable leader, with the energetic co-operation of 
Rabbi Mohilever and Rabinowitz, convened a Confer- 
ence of representatives of the societies at Kattowitz. It 
met in November, 1884, an d was attended by 34 dele- 
gates. The proceedings began on the hundredth birthday 
of Sir Moses Montefiore, and the Conference decided to 
name the federation of societies which they formed the 
"Montefiore Association for the Promotion of Agriculture 
among Jews and especially for the Support of the Jewish 
Colonies in Palestine." Pinsker, who presided, declared 
that the only land that would satisfy their purpose and 
fulfil their aspirations was Palestine. It was agreed to 
help the colonists financially, and also to send delegates 
to Constantinople to secure permission for the work in 
Palestine to be conducted without hindrance; but al- 
though the permission wa,s not granted, the work was 
Pinsker was elected President of the new 
* aad I^^oblitrn'-Secretarv^ and the central 

THE "LOVE OF ZION" MOVEMENT, 1882-1895 33 

office was established in Odessa, where Pinsker was also 
President of the local Hoveve %ion society* 

The Association held a second conference in 1887 at 
Drusgenik to improve and expand its organisation, and 
a third conference two years later in Vilna, at which 
thirty-five societies were represented. At last, in 1890 its 
statutes were legalised under the name of "Society for 
Support of Jewish Agriculturists and Artisans in Palestine 
and Syria. 5 * The first general meeting of the Society was 
attended by 182 delegates, who elected Pinsker as 
Chairman and confirmed the choice of Odessa as head- 
quarters. But Pinsker lived only another year, and when 
he died in 1891 he was succeeded as Chairman of the 
"Odessa Committee, 53 as the Society was popularly 
called, by Abraham Gruenberg, who held office until 
1906. The next chairman was Menahem Ussishkin 
(1863-1941), who had become one of the leading figures 
in Russian Zionism and was destined to play a prominent 
part in the wider arena of world Zionism. 


The Hibbath ion movement soon spread to many parts 
of Europe and also to America. One of the first countries 
in which it secured a strong footing was Rumania, where 
a conference was held in 1882, attended by delegates 
from thirty-two societies. In Austria the movement 
received a stimulus from the prevalent Anti-Semitism, 
the first society, "Kadimah," being formed in Vienna 
by a group of Jewish nationalist students mainly from 
Eastern Europe. The leaders of this society were Peretz 
Smolenskin (1842-1885) and Dr. Nathan Birnbaum 
(1864-1937), and after the untimely death of Smolenskin 
the leading personality in Jewish nationalist circles in 
Vienna w;as Birnbaum^ who has the credit of having 
coined the term "Zionism." He was a man of ardent but 
various and variable convictions. Beginning his career as 
a Marxist freethinker, he played a conspicuous part in 
the earliest phase of political Zionism and in Austrian 


Jewish politics, and ended as a fervent adherent of the 
ultra-orthodox Agudath Israel. In 1885, at the early age 
of twenty-one, he founded a paper Selbst-Emanzipation, in 
Vienna, and eight years later published a pamphlet in 
which he proposed the convening of a congress for the 
resettlement of the Jews in Palestine. In Berlin, apart 
from a society of the Hoveve %ion y there was also a society 
of Russian Jewish students, founded by Leo Motzkin and 
Joseph Lurie, and including Ghaim Weizmann, Shmarya 
Levin, and Victor Jacobson all of whom were destined 
to play important parts in the movement. There were 
also groups of Jewish nationalist students, mainly from 
Russia, in Switzerland, particularly in Berne and 


In England there was not only a Hoveve ^ion Associa- 
tion, under the leadership of Colonel Albert Goldsmid 
and Elim d'Avigdor (father of the late Sir Osmond 
d'Avigdor-Goldsmid), with branches called "tents," 
but also independent societies in London and Man- 
chester. In France the movement had the warm support 
of the Grand Rabbin Zadoc Kahn, but a Central 
Committee that was formed in Paris in 1890 to serve as 
a link between Hoveve %ion societies of all countries 
proved ineffectual, the real authority remaining in the 
hands of the Odessa Committee. In the United States 
the philo-Zionist movement was espoused from the 
early 'eighties by two different sections immigrants 
from Russia who had received a traditional Jewish 
education and retained a strong Jewish consciousness, 
and several eminent Rabbis, such as Pereira Mendes, 
Benjamin Szold (father of Miss Henrietta Szold), Aaron 
Wise (father of Dr. Stephen Wise), Gustav Gottheil 
(father of Professor Richard Gottheil) and Marcus 
Jastrow. The first societies were established in New York, 
Chicago, and Philadelphia, and as early as 1882 a 
lecture was given on the "BHu" by Joseph Bluestone, 
who Itad arrived iqt America three years before. 

THE "LOVE OF ZION" MOVEMENT, 1882-1895 35 


The Hoveve %ion societies on both sides of the Atlantic 
sent what money they could to the struggling settlements 
in Palestine and followed their slow progress with deep 
concern. But there was one member of the Odessa 
Committee who was more critically disposed than his 
colleagues and gave expression to his views in a trenchant 
article that caused a sensation. This article, which 
appeared in Hamelitz in 1889, was entitled Lo zeh 
Haderech ("This is not the way"), and was signed by a 
pseudonym, "Ahad Ha-am" ("One of the People"), 
which soon became famous. The writer was Asher 
Ginsberg (1856-1927), born in a village near Kiev, who, 
in addition to a Talmudical education, had studied 
modern subjects in Berlin and Vienna. He settled in 
1886 in Odessa, where he soon came into close touch 
with the leaders of the Hibbath %ion movement. His first 
article was equally remarkable for the individuality of 
its views and the lucid style and cogent phrasing in 
which they were expressed; it signalised the appearance 
of a new thinker in Israel. Ahad Ha-am strongly 
criticised the methods adopted by the Hoveve %ion to 
realise the Jewish national rebirth in Palestine on the 
ground that they were based upon a wrong conception of 
what was necessary. He denied that Palestine was 
suitable for mass immigration and that Jews could 
become real farmers, and maintained that even if the 
country could absorb a large number it could not have 
any decisive influence upon the political position of the 
Jews, owing to the fewness and impotence of the settlers. 
He attributed the lack of success not to the Halukah 
system or the bad methods of the administrators of the 
colonies, but to the attempt to accelerate the growth of 
what should be allowed to undergo gradual evolution. 

For Ahad Ha-am the primary problem was not the 
saving of Jews by ameliorating their physical existence, 
but the preservation and development of the Jewish 
spirit. He was concerned, not with the material needs of 


Jewry, but with the critical condition of Judaism, by 
which he meant something more comprehensive than 
the Jewish religion; but although anxious about the 
conservation of the Jewish spirit, he was sarcastic about 
the so-called "mission of Judaism," which was advanced 
by the opponents of Zionism as a reason for their an- 
tagonism. In his view the spiritual disintegration of 
Judaism could be healed only in Palestine, which should 
form a home not for Jewry but for Judaism. There a 
cultural or spiritual centre should be created, from which 
currents of influence should radiate throughout the 
Diaspora, and thus all Jews would again be invigorated 
and unified. The full realisation of the national ideal 
must wait until, through the influence of the spiritual 
centre, the national will became sufficiently strong to 
bring it within the realm of possibility. This spiritual 
centre should be built up on the basis of Hibbath gion, 
which must become the dominant factor in a select group 
of Jews. Ahad Ha-am recognised that even a spiritual 
centre must have a material or economic basis, but he 
attached more importance to quality than quantity. His 
system of thought, which he developed in succeeding 
years, was called Spiritual or Cultural Zionism. 


In order to realise his ideas Ahad Ha-am founded an 
Order of "Sons of Moses" ("Bwi Mosheh"), whose 
members should represent a high standard of ethical 
integrity and work for the national revival in a spirit of 
supreme disinterestedness. Most of the members of the 
Order were leading Hoveve ion. He visited Palestine for 
the first time in 1891, on behalf of the Odessa Com- 
mittee, and went there again in 1893. After these visits 
he wrote critical reports, in which he made proposals for 
the purchase of land, the cessation of subsidies to the 
colonists, and concentration on cultural work, A 
Bialystok group of "Sons of Moses," under the leadership 
of Rabbi MohJlever, fotuadpd the settlement of Rehovoth 

THE "LOVE OF ZION" MOVEMENT, 1882-1895 37 

in 1891. The Order also promoted Jewish national 
education by opening the first girls 5 Hebrew school in 
Jaffa and many Hebrew schools in the agricultural 
villages; and it founded the first two publishing firms 
for the issue of works of Hebrew literature in Russia, 
"AhiasaP and "Tushiyah." Owing to the clash of 
opinions and personalities the Order was dissolved in 
1896. In that year Ahad Ha-am founded a Hebrew 
monthly review, Hashiloah, which he edited until 1902. 
It was devoted to Zionist and general Jewish questions, 
contained articles by all the leading Hebrew writers of 
the day, and exercised a formative influence upon the 
intellectual outlook of the Hebrew-reading public. 


Meanwhile, thanks largely to the benevolent patronage 
of Baron Edmond de Rothschild, another five settlements 
were founded between 1890 and 1895. The most notable 
of these was Hedera, orignally a swampy site in Samaria 
where the first settlers suffered severely and several died 
from malaria, until the marshy land was drained and 
improved by the extensive plantation of eucalyptus trees. 
In places where corn growing was unprofitable, French 
vines were planted under expert direction, and in Galilee 
horticulture and silk-worm cultivation were introduced. 
Large wine-cellars were built, the largest of aU at Rishon 
le-Zion, and as there was no proper agency for the sale 
of the wine and the Baron had sometimes to buy the 
entire yield himself, the Garmel Wine Company was 
organised by the Hoveve ion in 1896 and opened up 
markets in Europe and America as well as the Orient. 
The Baron also provided funds for the building, not only 
of houses, but also of synagogues and schools, hospitals 
and asylums for the aged. To supervise the settlements 
he appointed administrators, whose autocratic methods 
provoked irritation and criticism. They introduced a 
system of discipline and tutelage, which deprived the 
settlers of all spirit of independence and initiative; and 


instead of regarding the farm villages as the foundation 
of the Jewish national revival they treated them merely 
as a philanthropic undertaking. 

Moreover, most of the settlements were based solely 
upon wine-growing, so that if there was a failure of the 
vintage or of markets, the settlers required further relief. 
But the most serious blemish, from the Jewish point o 
view 3 was that the hired labour consisted entirely of 
Arabs, who worked for low wages, and it was impossible 
for Jewish workers to compete with them. The colonisa- 
tion thus suffered from both economic and moral 
drawbacks, but the Hoveve Zion, who were unable to 
furnish more than 6,000 a year as against the Baron's 
millions of francs, were powerless to effect any proper 
improvement. Such a state of affairs was certainly 
discouraging after fifteen years of arduous struggle and 
after all the glowing visions that had been conjured up 
by writers and propagandists. Between 1880 and 1895 
the Jewish population in Palestine had risen, by immi- 
gration and natural increase, from 120,000 to 50,000, but 
of this number only 3,000 had come from Eastern Europe 
to form the agricultural settlements. 


There was therefore a feeling of despondency in the 
Odessa Committee regarding the outlook, but this 
feeling soon gave way to another, for a new and arresting 
figure now appeared upon the scene, whose advent 
indicated that the days of Hibbath %ion were over. The 
"Love of Zion" movement played a very useful and 
essential part in familiarising the Jewish world with the 
idea of the return to Zion and in recruiting the first bands 
of pioneers to begin converting the idea into a reality. 
But its methods were too slow and haphazard, its 
organisation too small and unrepresentative, and its 
resources too pitifully scanty, to be capable of achieving 
the grand objective. The bulk of its work depended upon 
tibte benevolence of a single nian, and, no matter how 

THE "LOVE OF ZION" MOVEMENT, 1882-1895 39 

bountiful his generosity, or how self-sacrificing the toil 
of the pioneers, such a system was unworthy of a national 
cause, and its results were depressingly inadequate. 
Other methods and measures were needed, with a much 
larger organisation representative of the Jewish people 
as a whole, and these were now to be created by political 





IT is a rather singular fact that the founder of political 
Zionism had no previous knowledge of any of the 
writings and strivings of those who had preceded him in 
the cause of the national restoration of his people. 
Theodor Herzl was drawn to the problem as a result of 
his own experiences, reflections, and convictions. Born in 
Budapest on May 2, 1860, the only son of a well-to-do 
merchant, and brought up in an assimilationist milieu, 
he had only a superficial knowledge of Jewish affairs and 
Jewish culture, but personal experience took the place 
of a traditional education in rousing his Jewish con- 
sciousness. He studied law at the University of Vienna, 
where his parents settled in 1878, but after graduating 
in 1884, and practising at the bar for a year, he decided 
to devote himself to a literary career. Gifted with a 
talent for the writing of charming feuilletons and divert- 
ing plays, he soon attained a recognised reputation, 
which won him, at the age of thirty-one, the important 
position of Paris correspondent of the Vienna newspaper, 
the Neue Freie Presse, then the most influential organ in 
Central Europe. 


Three years later began the trial of Captain Alfred 
Dreyfus on a trumped-up charge of treason, and Herzl, 
who had to report the affair for his paper, was suddenly 
jolted out of the carefree mood in which he had hitherto 
enjoyed the intellectual interests and social diversions of 
the French capital. He was a witness of all the dramatic 
proceedings that led to the degradation and banishment 

THE HERZLIAN EPOCH, 1895-1904 4! 

of the martyred Jew, and of the accompanying outbursts 
of anti-Semitic hostility; and he was painfully moved 
by the tragedy which had sundered the French people 
into two opposing camps and evoked the consternation 
of the civilised world. A century after the French 
Revolution had given the Jews civil equality as part of 
the ideal programme of "liberty, equality, fraternity, 35 
Herzl saw that the Jews were threatened with a move- 
ment of reaction, and he was driven to cogitate on the 
position. He first embodied his thoughts in a play, Das 
Neue Ghetto, which he wrote in the autumn of 1894, but 
had to wait over three years before it was produced. 
The Dreyfus affair, however, was not the first episode 
that had outraged his Jewish feelings. He had been stung 
by an anti-Jewish speech of the fanatical Burgomaster 
of Vienna, Karl Lueger; he had been shocked on reading 
a book by a pioneer of Nazi ideology, Eugen Duhring; 
he withdrew from a University students' union because 
of its anti-Semitic attitude; and on two occasions some 
years later, while travelling in Germany, he heard after 
him the cry of the mediaeval Jew-baiter, "Hep, hep!" But 
the drama enacted in Paris wounded his soul as no previous 
experience had done: it threw the grimmest light upon 
the Jewish problem and forced him to address his mind 
to a solution, 


Herzl set forth his views and proposals in a pamphlet, 
entitled Der Judenstaat, which he wrote in the summer of 
1895. Throughout the weeks of its feverish composition, 
he felt in a state of spiritual exaltation. Somewhat similar 
ideas had already been expressed by Moses Hess and 
Leon Pinsker, but Herzl had not heard of them at the 
time, and when he was told of them later he said that if 
he had known of them he would never have written his 
own brochure. Seldom has a movement owed more than 
did political Zionism to the fact that its founder was 
totally ignorant of his predecessors. He based his plea 
for the creation of a Jewish State upon the conviction 


that no matter how useful, patriotic, and self-sacrificing 
Jews might prove wherever they were, they would never 
be left in peace. The Jewish question, he argued, existed 
where there were Jews in perceptible numbers, and since 
they naturally moved to places where they were not 
persecuted they ended up by importing anti-Semitism 
through their migration. They might perhaps be able to 
merge themselves entirely among the nations surround- 
ing them if they could be left in peace for two genera- 
tions, but the nations would not leave them in peace. It 
was neither a social nor a religious question, but a 
"national question, which can be solved only by making 
it a political world question, to be discussed and settled 
by the civilised nations of the world in council. 35 

The solution that Herzl proposed was that the Jews 
should be "granted sovereignty over a portion of the 
globe large enough to satisfy the rightful requirements 
of a nation." The rest they would manage for themselves, 
and for this purpose he suggested two agencies, a 
"Society of Jews/' and a "Jewish Company/ 3 signific- 
antly using these English terms. The "Society" was to 
undertake all the preparatory work of organisation and 
political negotiation, and the "Company" was to attend 
to the manifold financial and economic questions. "The 
Jewish State is essential to the world/' he wrote. "It will 
therefore be created." Like Pinsker, he did not commit 
himself to a particular territory. He proposed Palestine 
and Argentina as the two alternatives, but left it to 
Jewish public opinion and the "Society" to decide which 
it was to be. He had not long to wait for the answer. In 
the Introduction to his pamphlet he wrote that, with its 
publication, his task was done and he would not take up 
his pen again unless he were driven to it by the attacks 
of noteworthy antagonists. The attacks came fast and 


Herzl did not publish The Jewish State immediately 
He first showed the manuscript to a journalistic friend. 

THE HERZLIAN EPOCH, 1895-1904 43 

who thought that he had gone out of his mind, but Herzl 
felt reassured when he correctly added up a column of 
telegram expenses which his colleague had failed to get 
right. Herzl then submitted the manuscript to Dr. Max 
Nordau (1849-1923), an eminent psychiatrist as well as 
a world-famed author; and Nordau not only vindicated 
the sanity of Herzl but declared himself willing to assist 
him. Nevertheless, Herzl still refrained from publication 
before attempting to secure influential support for his 
scheme. He first approached Baron Maurice de Hirsch 
(1831-1896), a multi-millionaire who had made a vast 
fortune from the building of railways in Russia and the 
Balkans, and founded the Jewish Colonisation Associa- 
tion (commonly called the "I.C.A.") in 1891 with an 
initial sum of 2,000,000, later increased to 10,000,000, 
primarily for the establishment of Russian Jews in 
agricultural settlements in the Argentine and other 
parts of America. But Baron de Hirsch believed only 
in philanthropic methods: he was opposed to any 
political solution of the Jewish question, and he died 
before Herzl had a second opportunity of discussing his 
proposals with him. 

In September, 1895, Herzl returned to Vienna to take 
up the position of Literary Editor of the Neue Freie Presse, 
a post that he retained until his death; but although fully 
occupied by his newspaper duties and the writing of 
plays, he felt impelled to go ahead with his scheme. 
Nordau gave him an introduction to Israel Zangwill 
(1864-1926), and Herzl went to London in the hope of 
securing the interest of leading personalities in the 
Anglo-Jewish community. He expounded his views to the 
Maccabaeans, a club of professional men, but the 
response that he received from them, as well as from the 
pillars of the community, both lay and clerical, although 
friendly to him personally, was anything but encourag- 
ing. He therefore resolved to address himself to the 
Jewish public. On February i4th, 1896, Der Judenstaat 
appeared in Vienna, and English and French transla- 
tions promptly followed. 



The pamphlet aroused attention throughout the world 
and immediately produced a general discussion of the 
Jewish problem both in Jewish and in non-Jewish circles. 
It was debated in the Jewish Press for months and 
formed the subject of the keenest and even bitterest 
controversy. Its critics and assailants were more numer- 
ous and influential than its active supporters. They 
included the leaders of the Western communities on 
both sides of the Atlantic, who were wedded to the policy 
of assimilation, and saw in HerzPs proposals a reflection 
upon their local patriotism; a host of Rabbis (dubbed 
Protest Rabbiner) who denounced them as a contradiction 
of the Messianic doctrine; and a multitude of miscel- 
laneous writers, who attacked Herzl on the ground that 
he was trying "to put the clock back/ 3 and that his 
scheme was utterly impracticable. 

The supporters of the scheme were naturally far more 
numerous in Eastern Europe, but it also had vigorous 
champions in Central Europe and the Western world, 
particularly in academic circles. In reply to the oppon- 
ents, they pointed out that half of the Jews in the world. 
that is, those in Russia and Rumania were treated 
by their Governments as outlaws and pariahs, and it was 
therefore the sheerest irony to taunt them with lack of 
patriotism; that they were enjoined always to pray for 
the immediate ending of their exile, and not for its 
prolongation until some remote and unknown future, 
when the Messiah would appear; and that the scheme 
could be rendered practicable if only it received adequate 
support. The Hoveve %j,on were at first divided in their 
attitude, partly because Herzl came from an assimila- 
tionist milieu, but still more because they feared that the 
Turkish Government would be alarmed and put a stop 
to further colonising activity in Palestine; but the bulk 
of them soon rallied to his side and many of the others 
followed. Herzl found keen supporters in the "Kadi- 
and other Jewish, student societies in Austria; he 

THE HERZLIAN EPOCH, 1895-1904 45 

was enthusiastically acclaimed at a public demonstration 
of Jews in the East End of London in the summer of 
1896; and he received messages of allegiance from 
individual Jews and Jewish societies in various parts of 
the world, including Palestine. 


Before making any general appeal to the Jewish 
people, Herzl tried to secure political support. Thanks 
to the mediation of the Chaplain to the British Embassy 
in Vienna, the Rev. William Hechler, he saw the Grand 
Duke of Baden, through whom he hoped to be able to 
approach the German Emperor; but he had to wait 
over a year before securing an audience. He then went 
to Constantinople, where he saw the Grand Vizier, but 
he was unable so soon to penetrate to the Sultan. A 
visit to Baron Edmond de Rothschild proved equally 
futile, for although this princely philanthropist continued 
to display generous interest in the resettlement of 
Palestine, he was apprehensive of any sort of political 
scheme. Herzl therefore realised that the only way in 
which he could hope to secure practical co-operation was 
the democratic method of calling a congress of repre- 
sentatives of the Jewish people. It was a bold and 
hazardous idea, for no such gathering had ever been held 
in all the centuries of the Dispersion. At first Munich was 
chosen as the meeting-place, but the heads of the local 
Jewish community and the Executive of the Union of 
German Rabbis protested so vigorously against what 
they regarded as a slur upon their loyalty, that the city 
of Basle was fixed upon instead. As a medium of propa- 
ganda, which was all the more necessary because of the 
hostility of so many Jewish papers, Herzl, with his own 
money, founded a weekly journal, Die Welt, which first 
appeared in June, 1897. It always had a yellow cover 
the colour of the mediaeval badge of shame, now 
elevated to a symbol of national pride. He took this step 
despite the wishes of the Jewish proprietors and editor 


of the Meue Freie Presse, who were hostile to the Zionist 
movement and rigorously excluded any mention of it 
from their paper throughout HerzPs life. 


After overcoming considerable obstacles Herzl suc- 
ceeded in convening the first Zionist Congress, which 
opened on August syth, 1897, and lasted three days. It 
was attended by 204 delegates from all parts of the world, 
constituting a veritable microcosm of the Jewish people, 
and comprising all shades of thought, all varieties of 
social strata, and a medley of physical types. The 
Congress was an Inspiring assembly and a turning point 
in Jewish history, for it was the first time after eighteen 
hundred years of exile, that representatives of the 
Jewish people had come together to deliberate on the 
means of achieving their national rehabilitation. In his 
inaugural speech, Herzl made no reference to his 
pamphlet, nor were its contents discussed at that or at 
any succeeding Congress. He declared that Zionism had 
united the scattered limbs of Jewry, upon a national basis 
and thus brought about the return to Judaism even 
before the return to the Jewish land. The return to their 
ancestral home should take place only in a legal manner, 
after the necessary guarantees had been obtained. The 
Ottoman Empire would be strengthened by the Jewish 
influx, and the lands of the Diaspora would be freed of 
anti-Semitism by the exodus of surplus Jews. The Jewish 
people, he concluded, had created for itself in the Con- 
gress an organ that it urgently needed for its life and 
would be of permanent duration. 


Herzl was followed by Nordau, who gave a masterly 
review of the general situation of the Jews, emphasising 
their economic plight in the East and their moral 
distress in the West; Nordau was a brilliant speaker, 


whose critical survey of the position of Jewry formed 
conspicuous feature of the opening session of sever 
subsequent Congresses. The two main achievements 
the first Congress were the formulation of the Zioni 
Programme and the establishment of the Zioni 
Organisation. The Basle Programme, as it was calle 
was unanimously adopted in the following terms: "Tl 
aim of Zionism is to create for the Jewish people a hon 
in Palestine secured by public law." In order to attai 
this object the Congress resolved upon the followir 
means: systematically promoting the settlement 3 
Palestine of Jewish agriculturists, artisans, and craft 
men; organising Jews in their respective countrie 
strengthening the Jewish national consciousness; an 
taking preparatory steps for obtaining whatever Goven 
ment assent was necessary. The Zionist Organisatic 
was to comprise Federations of local societies in differei 
countries, and each Federation should stand in dire< 
communication with the Central Office in Vienna. Tt 
government of the Organisation was entrusted to it 
General Council (Greater " Actions Committee 35 ) an 
also to a Central Executive (Smaller "Actions Con 
mittee"), whose members all lived in Vienna, tit 
residence of Herzl, who was elected President. Evei 
person was to be regarded as a Zionist who subscribe 
to the Basle Programme and paid the small annual ta 
of a shekel (one shilling or its equivalent) to provide tl 
Executive with their working fund. The payment of tit 
shekel conferred the right to vote for a delegate 1 
Congress, which was to be the supreme controllir 
organ of the movement. 

After he had returned to Vienna Herzl made tl 
following entry in his diary, which he kept from the tin 
that he wrote The Jewish State until his last days: "If 
were to sum up the Basle Congress in one word whic 
I shall not do openly it would be this: at Basle I founde 
the Jewish State. If I were to say this to-day, I would I 
met by universal laughter. In five years, perhaps, ai] 
certainly in fifty, every one will see it. The State is alreac 


founded, in essence, in the will of the people to the 
State. 33 

The Congress gave a powerful impetus to propaganda 
in all parts of the world, and numerous adherents were 
won over to the Basle Programme, Most of the Hoveve 
%ion societies that had hitherto held aloof, especially 
those in England and the United States, now declared 
their adhesion. The Zionist Federation of Great Britain 
and the Zionist Organisations of the United States and 
Canada were all founded in 1898. In that year Zionist 
societies multiplied eightfold, and each succeeding 
Congress recorded a growth of numbers or an extension 
into new and remote regions, from Singapore to Winni- 
peg, and from Nairobi to Wellington. 


There were only five more Congresses in HerzFs life- 
time, all of which were also held in Basle, with the 
exception of the fourth, which took place in London. The 
Second Congress, which was held in 1898 and attended 
by nearly twice as many delegates as the first, decided 
to establish a bank, which should serve as the financial 
instrument of the Organisation, It was founded as a 
joint stock company in London, under the name of the 
Jewish Colonial Trust (for Herzl attached the highest 
importance to creating Zionist institutions with firm 
foundations in England). It had a nominal capital of 
2, 000,000 i* 1 l shares, but it took three years before 
the sum of 250,000 was subscribed by 140,000 share- 
holders in all parts of the world. The laborious task of 
floating the bank was largely the work of David Wolff- 
sohn, a well-to-do merchant in Cologne, and Jacobus 
Kann, a banker of The Hague, both intimate friends of 
Herzl, who had to fight against the opposition of the 
wealthier section of Jewry, and especially of the finan- 
ciers, who decried the undertaking. 

THE HERZLIAN EPOCH, 1895-1904 49 


While the bank was in the process of creation, Herzl 
took an important political step. He was radically 
opposed to any gradual infiltration into Palestine and 
was bent upon obtaining a Charter from the Sultan 
Abdul Hamid of Turkey for an autonomous settlement, 
He aimed at gaining the support of the German Emperor 
William II, for this project, and, thanks to the friendly 
offices of the Grand Duke of Baden, he secured an 
audience, in the autumn of 1898, in Constantinople, 
with the Emperor, who was then on the way to Palestine. 
But the hope that Herzl based on that interview was 
dispelled at the following one, a fortnight later, in the 
vicinity of Jerusalem, when the Kaiser merely made an 
evasive reply. 

At the Third Congress, in 1899, Herzl announced that 
the immediate aim of Zionist policy was to obtain a 
Charter for an autonomous settlement in Palestine, but 
nearly two years elapsed before he succeeded in opening 
negotiations with the Sultan on the matter. In the 
interval the Fourth Congress was held in London, in 
1900, serving the purpose of making the movement better 
known in the English-speaking world and arousing the 
interest of the British public. In his inaugural speech 
Herzl, in an inspired moment of prophecy, exclaimed: 
"England the great, England the free, England, with 
her eyes roaming over all the seas, will understand us and 
our aims. From this place the Zionist idea will take a 
still further and higher flight: of this we may be sure/ 5 


Internal differences were rather pronounced at the 
Fifth Congress (1901), at which a compact group, 
mainly of Russian Zionists, disciples of Ahad Ha-am, 
and called the "Democratic Zionist Fraction/' insisted 
upon greater attention being devoted to Jewish national 
culture. Dr. Chaim Weizmann, one of the leaders of the 



group, proposed the establishment of a Jewish Univer- 
sity; but the group itself, which was the first party to 
arise in the Movement, soon dissolved, though its 
demand for practical work in Palestine was energetically 
advanced at subsequent Congresses. A more notable 
outcome of this Fifth Congress was the resolution to 
establish the Jewish National Fund for the acquisition 
of land in Palestine as the inalienable possession of the 
Jewish people. A new constitution of the Organisation 
was adopted, and it was decided that future Congresses 
should be held every two years instead of annually. 


Herzl was mainly concerned with the political aspect 
of the movement. He was of the opinion that such 
matters as national culture and colonising work should 
be deferred until after the requisite political guarantees 
had been obtained for an autonomous settlement. He 
had his first audience with the Sultan of Turkey in May, 
1901, thanks to the friendly mediation of Arminius 
Vambery, the famous Hungarian Jewish traveller. 
Herzl wanted to secure a Charter, and as the Ottoman 
Treasury was at that time in a tottering condition, he 
proposed to buttress it by an annual tribute, which the 
Sultan could use as interest for a loan that the Jewish 
Colonial Trust would arrange on his behalf. The negotia- 
tions dragged on over 12 months, in the course of which 
Herzl submitted other proposals in interviews with 
Abdul Hamid and also made anxious inquiries in 
London,- Paris, and other financial centres, as to the 
possibility of raising the large sums that would be needed. 
But all his efforts were in vain, for although in the final 
interview, in July, 1902, he offered the Sultan 1,600,000 
the only concession that the impecunious potentate was 
willing to give was for the Jews to colonise in Mesopo- 
tamia, Syria, and Anatolia, but not in Palestine. "A 
Charter without Palestine! I refused at once, 35 wrote 
Herzl ia his diary* 

THE HERZLJAN EPOCH, 1895-1904 5! 


Foiled in his efforts in Constantinople, Herzl turned to 
London. A couple of weeks before Ms last audience 
with the Sultan, he gave evidence in London before the 
Royal Commission on Alien Immigration, which had 
been appointed in consequence of the agitation against 
the large influx of Russian Jews into t&e East End of that 
city. He emphasised persecution as the cause of this 
migration, pointed out that anti-Semitism was thus 
carried by the emigrants to another country, and main- 
tained that Zionism was the only solution of the problem. 
During this stay in London he broached to Lord 
Rothschild, the head of the Anglo-Jewish community 
and a member of the Royal Commission, the idea of 
creating a Jewish colony in British territory either in 
the Sinai Peninsula or in Cyprus. 

While waiting for this idea to receive official con- 
sideration, he published a romance, Altneuland, in which 
he attempted to forecast the conditions in Palestine 
20 years later. The book was strongly criticised, 
especially by Ahad Ha-am, because it failed to portray 
a background of Jewish cultural life in Palestine, with 
Hebrew as the national tongue. But it nevertheless 
achieved a measure of popularity and was translated into 
several languages, while the motto on its title-page: 
"If you wish it, this is no fairy tale," became an oft- 
quoted maxim in the Zionist world. 


Herzl's desire to discuss the question of a Jewish 
settlement in British territory with a member of the 
British Government was at length realised. Through the 
mediation of Leopold J. Greenberg 1 , an English member 
of the Actions Committee, he had an interview on 
October 22nd, 1902, with the British Colonial Secretary, 

iBorn in Birmingham 1862, died in London 1931. Editor of The Jewish 
ChrordcU, 1907-1931. 


Joseph Chamberlain, who told him that a Jewish settle- 
ment in Cyprus would be opposed by the local population 
and that the question of the Sinai Peninsula must be 
discussed with the Foreign Secretary. The next day 
Herzl was received in the Foreign Office by Lord 
Lansdowne, who favoured the idea of a Jewish settle- 
ment at Wadi el Arish in the Sinai Peninsula, and agreed 
to give Greenberg a letter of introduction to Lord 
Cromer, the British Proconsul in Egypt, for the purpose 
of negotiation. A technical commission was sent out to 
investigate the territory, but found that it would be 
unsuitable unless adequately irrigated. Anxious to leave 
nothing undone in the interest of the project, towards the 
financing of which the Jewish Colonisation Association 
was prepared to give 1,000,000, Herzl also went out to 
Cairo, after Greenberg had left, to continue the negotia- 
tions with Lord Cromer. But the Egyptian Government 
rejected the scheme on the ground of the impossibility 
of sparing sufficient water from the Nile for irrigation, 
although it was known that it was also opposed for 
political reasons. 


The failure of the El Arish project was immediately 
followed by an offer of territory by Chamberlain in 
British East Africa, which he had recently visited. Herzl 
hesitated at first to consider this, but the news of the 
terrible pogroms in Kishinev and other cities in Russia, 
which horrified the world in April, 1903, swiftly brought 
about a change of attitude. The plateau near Nairobi, 
the territory in question, lacked the redeeming feature of 
the Sinai Peninsula namely, close proximity to Pales- 
tine but the offer was rendered attractive by the 
promise of autonomy under a Jewish governor. Besides, 
it was of great political importance to receive a formal 
offer of territory from the British Government. The 
discussion as to details was left in the hands of Greenberg, 
as Herzl suddenly decided to visit Russia for two pur- 
poses to secure the cancellation of a secret decree 

THE HERZLIAN EPOCH, 1895-1904 53 

forbidding all Zionist meetings and collections, and to 
obtain the Russian Government's friendly intervention 
with the Sultan (for he still hoped that Abdul Hamid 
might become amenable). 


In August, 1903, he went to St. Petersburg, where the 
all-powerful Minister of the Interior, Von Plehve, 
promised that he would allow Zionist activities as long 
as they were concerned only with the creation of a 
Jewish centre in Palestine and with mass emigration 
from Russia, but any nationalist propaganda would be 
suppressed. Von Plehve also promised to support 
Herzl's efforts in Constantinople, and the Finance 
Minister, Witte, agreed to the opening of branches of 
the Jewish Colonial Trust in Russia. From St. Petersburg 
Herzl went to Vilna, to see for himself the life of Russian 
Jewry, and it was while in that citadel of Jewish culture 
and poverty that he received a document from the British 
Government. It was the letter containing the formal 
offer of territory in East Africa, in which the Jews would 
enjoy autonomy under a Jewish governor, subject to a 
Commission of Inquiry being sent out to investigate the 
land and finding it suitable for settlement. 


When Herzl, at the end of August, 1903, faced the 
Sixth Congress, the last over which he presided, he met 
with violent criticism. He was upbraided for having 
spoken with Plehve, whom the Jews in Russia regarded 
as the instigator of the latest pogroms, and even more 
bitterly attacked because of the East African project, 
which its opponents disparagingly referred to as 
"Uganda." In submitting the proposal, he declared that 
the venture must be regarded only as an emergency 
undertaking, that the Jewish people could not have any 
other objective but Palestine, and that his views on the 


land of his fathers were unchangeable, but that the 
Congress should make use of the offer to alleviate the 
condition of the Jewish people. Nordau sought to 
influence the Congress by pointing out that East Africa 
was intended only as a Nachtasyl, a shelter, in which the 
Jews could be trained as a nation for their future 
mission in Palestine. But all arguments failed to convince 
or mollify the opponents, who largely belonged to the 
Russian delegation. The issue put to the Congress was 
not that the offer should be accepted, but that a Com- 
mission of Inquiry should be despatched to investigate 
the territory, on the definite condition that the cost 
should not be defrayed by the Zionist Organisation or 
the Jewish Colonial Trust. 1 When the resolution was 
adopted, the Russian opponents immediately withdrew 
to a separate hall, where many of them wept as if they 
had lost Palestine for ever. But after Herzl pleaded with 
them and assured them again of his unalterable attach- 
ment to Zion, they returned to the Congress. 


A few months later a number of prominent Russian 
Zionists, under the leadership of Menahem Ussishkin, 
held a conference in Kharkov and sent a delegation to 
Vienna to present Herzl with an ultimatum. This was 
to the effect that unless he undertook in writing to 
abandon the East African scheme and to confine himself 
to Palestine, the Russian Zionists would cease to remit 
their shekel contributions to Vienna and would convene 
an opposition Congress. Herzl refused to comply with the 
ultimatum, and after the deputation returned to Russia 
he set out on his last political journey. He went to Rome, 
where he had an audience with the King of Italy, who 
was sympathetic to the idea of Zionism, and also with 
Pope Pius X, who expressed himself in unfriendly terms. 
The unrest within the movement continued, and a 

1 The cost of the expedition, amounting to 2,000, was defrayed by the Hon. 
Mrs. E. A. Gordon, a Christian j&iend of the Zionist inovenient. See the author's 
Jewisk Trtmdkr t p. 153. 

THE HERZLIAN EPOCH, 1895-1904 55 

special meeting of the Greater " Actions Committee 3 * 
was therefore held in Vienna on April nth, 1904, to 
allay the conflict. Herzl succeeded in convincing his 
opponents that he was and would remain faithful to 
Palestine, and the stormy proceedings concluded with 
a resolution of conciliation and confidence. It was the 
last discussion in which he took part, for his end was 
approaching. Owing to a prolonged heart affection, 
aggravated by an attack of pneumonia, he passed away, 
at the early age of forty-four, on July 3rd, 1904. His death 
was mourned by Jews throughout the world, and his 
funeral was attended by thousands. 

Within the short space of eight years Theodor Herzl 
had wrought a revolution in Jewish life and thought. 
He had secured recognition for the Jewish question as a 
serious international problem. He had negotiated with 
sovereigns and statesmen, who acknowledged the com- 
petence of the Zionist Organisation to establish a Jewish 
State. He was the first Jewish statesman produced by 
his people after eighteen hundred years of exile who 
dedicated himself entirely to its national revival, and he 
left an imperishable legacy of incalculable value to be 
developed by his followers. 





WHEN the Seventh Congress met on July syth, 1905, 
it had to deal with two important questions the 
report of the scientific commission that had explored the 
proffered territory in British East Africa and the future 
leadership of the Movement. The Commission was 
divided in its views, for while the two Jewish members 
reported that the land was quite unsuitable, its non- 
Jewish leader was of opinion that it could be developed 
to accommodate 20,000 agriculturists. The Congress by 
a large majority declined the British offer. It adopted a 
resolution declaring that the Zionist Organisation 
adhered to the fundamental principle of the Basle 
Programme and rejected any colonising activity outside 
Palestine; it thanked the British Government for its offer 
and its desire to help in bringing about a solution of the 
Jewish question; and it expressed the hope that the 
Zionist movement would be favoured by Britain's good 
offices in some future project that would be in accord- 
ance with the Basle Programme. That event came twelve 
years later. 

THE "I.T.O." 

The delegates who were in favour of the British offer 
immediately withdrew from the Congress and seceded 
from the Organisation. Their leader was Israel Zangwill, 
who at once created the Jewish Territorial Organisation, 
which adopted as its programme the establishment 
of a Jewish autonomous settlement in any part of the 
world. This new body was commonly GaUed (after its 
initials) the "LT.O.," and its adherents were known as 


'Territorialists" or "Itoists." Over a period of years it 
conducted negotiations with various Governments and 
carried out explorations in Cyrenaica and Angola with 
legative results, and a few years after the First World 
War it was dissolved by ZangwiH himself. 


The problem of the leadership of the Zionist movement 
/vas solved by the election as President of David Wolff- 
iohn (1856-1914), the most intimate friend of Herzl, 
,vho was born in a Lithuanian townlet and had become 
i prosperous timber merchant in Cologne. The head- 
juarters of the movement were accordingly transferred 
rom Vienna to that city. The new Executive consisted 
)f six other members, who belonged to two different 
chools of thought which resulted from the liquidation of 
he East African question and the absence of any prospect 
>f fruitful negotiation with the Ottoman Government. 
Whilst all Zionists were agreed upon the political 
)bjective formulated in the Basle Programme, there were 
ome who strongly emphasised the need of beginning 
vork in Palestine without waiting for any political 
guarantees and who were called "practical Zionists/' 
vhile the others who consistently stressed the prior need 
or such guarantees were known as the "political Zion- 
sts. 55 Between the "politicals 53 and the "practicals" 
here was a protracted struggle that ended some years 
ater in the victory of the latter. Even Herzl himself, 
ilthough opposed to any colonisation in Palestine being 
indertaken before the coveted Charter was secured, 
lad agreed to a scientific commission investigating the 
iconomic resources of Palestine, and the Seventh Con- 
press accordingly resolved that, while unsystematic or 
)hilanthropic colonisation should be avoided, suitable 
neasures should be taken for the furtherance of agri- 
;ulture and industry and for the intellectual improve- 
nent of the Jews in the country. 

Apart from the division into "politicals 59 and 


"practicals," two parties had already been formed in the 
movement. A group of orthodox adherents in Russia, 
who wished to emphasise that Zionism should be realised 
on the basis of Jewish religious law and tradition, 
founded the "Mizrachi" 1 in Vilna in 1902. The other 
party, the "Poale Zion" (Workers of Zion), consisted of 
those who wished to combine the Zionist programme 
with the principles of Socialism. It was formed in 
Austria in 1903, and in other countries during the next 
three years, and held its first general conference in The 
Hague in 1907. These two parties, constituting the Right 
and Left wings of the movement, always endeavoured to 
assert their specific standpoint particularly at Congresses. 


Wolffsohn was the President of the Zionist Organisa- 
tion for six years (1905-1911) and devoted himself to 
its development and consolidation with great zeal and 
energy, and with unsuspected gifts of leadership and 
force of character. He enjoyed the valuable assistance of 
Nahum Sokolow (1861-1936), a polyglot scholar and 
editor for many years of the Warsaw Hebrew daily, 
Hatzefirah, who was appointed General Secretary. The 
movement continued to be exposed to a great deal of 
antagonism, which was no longer confined to the 
assimilationists and the ultra-orthodox, but was supple- 
mented by the "Itoists," who for several years conducted 
a sort of vendetta against the parent Organisation. 
Nevertheless, Zionism made steady progress, furthered 
by an increasing consciousness of the hopelessness of the 
situation in Central and Eastern Europe. It gained its 
largest following in Russia, which then contained about 
six million Jews, and provided a separate political plat- 
form in the desperate struggle against the tyranny of the 
Tsardom. The Zionists put up their own candidates in 
the elections for the first Russian Parliament (Duma) in 

1 Abbreviated comporaid of tlxe Hebrew term, Merkaz fathom ("Spiritual 


1905 and succeeded in having five returned among the 
14 Jews elected; but in the second Duma, two years 
later, only six Jews were returned, of whom only one 
was a Zionist. In the Austrian Parliament, too, there were 
Zionists, four having been returned in the general 
election of 1907, although in the next election, four years 
later, owing to the combined opposition in Galicia of 
Poles, Socialists, and Jewish assimilationists, only one 
Zionist was returned. 


Although Wolffsohn did not engage in the same kind 
of diplomatic activity as Herzl, he had to concern him- 
self with matters that called for action of a political or 
quasi-political nature. Soon after his election to the 
Presidency there was a fresh outbreak of pogroms in 
Russia, lasting several months, and causing a renewed 
flood of Jewish emigration to the lands of the West. The 
Zionist Executive therefore invited the leading Jewish 
philanthropic organisations to a Conference in Brussels, 
in order to organise joint measures for regulating emigra- 
tion and caring for the refugees, tasks which had hitherto 
been done separately by different bodies. The Con- 
ference, which was held in January, 1906, and was 
attended by delegates of the Anglo-Jewish Association, 
the "LT.O.," and the "Hilfsverein der deutschen 
Juden," 1 adopted well-meaning resolutions but achieved 
no lasting results. Not only did the Tsarist regime cause 
an unceasing exodus of Jews, but it also repressed various 
forms of Zionist activity. Zionist workers were often 
arrested for conducting propaganda on behalf of the 
Jewish National Fund, and editors of Zionist papers for 
publishing nothing more revolutionary than a Shekel 
appeal. The position became particularly serious in the 
summer of 1908, when Wolffsohn found it necessary to 
visit St. Petersburg, to have an interview with the 

1 German Jewish Relief Organisation, founded in Berlin in 1901, dissolved by 
the Nazi Government before the Second World War. 


Premier, Stolypin; but although the latter repeated the 
assurance given by Plehve to Herzl, that there would be 
no interference with the Zionists as long as they confined 
themselves to the Palestine programme, the Russian 
authorities continued their policy of repression. 


It was in the same year that an event occurred in 
Turkey, which, it was hoped, would hold out some 
promise for the Zionist cause. This was the revolution of 
the Young Turks, who deposed the old Sultan and 
established a constitutional government; but it was not 
long before it became quite clear that the new regime 
was just as jealous of the sovereignty and integrity of the 
Ottoman Empire as Abdul Hamid himself. The Young 
Turks were firmly opposed to the fostering of separate 
nationalisms within the confines of the Empire, and 
their antipathy to Jewish nationalism was stirred up by 
a small clique of assimilationists, who maligned the aims 
of Zionism not only in their own Judaeo-Spanish papers 
but also in the Turkish Press. In order to counteract this 
campaign of misrepresentation the Zionist Executive 
appointed a political representative in Constantinople 
in the person of Dr. Victor Jacobson. 1 He carried out his 
diplomatic mission as manager of a branch of the 
Jewish Colonial Trust, which was opened in the Otto- 
man capital under the name of the Anglo-Levantine 
Banking Company. Dr. Jacobson devoted particular 
attention to the Press, and, with funds provided by the 
Zionist Executive, he founded two French papers a 
daily for the general public and a Zionist weekly. 
Efforts to win the local Jewish community over to the 
Zionist cause met with the hostile resistance of the 
Haham Bashi (Chief Rabbi), but they were more 
successful in the more Jewish milieu of Salonika, where 
they were ardently championed by its Chief Rabbi, 
Jacob Meir. 

i Bom at Simferopol (Cdnaea) 18% died at Geacva, *934- 


In consequence of the Young Turks 5 revolution, it was 
considered necessary, at the Ninth Congress (which was 
held in Hamburg at the end of 1909), to affirm the 
absolute compatibility of Zionism with loyalty to the 
Ottoman Empire. Wolffsohn declared that the objects 
of the movement would be pursued in complete harmony 
with the spirit of the Ottoman Constitution. But there 
was one point in HerzPs policy which had now become 
questionable namely, the need for a Charter. Nordau, 
who was President of the Congress, stated that the 
Charter idea had outlived its day and would be rele- 
gated to the archives of the movement. There was no 
need, he said, to alter the Basle Programme, since this 
made no mention of a Charter. But despite these declara- 
tions and explanations, there was no change of attitude 
on the part of the Turkish Government, which was blind 
to the valuable services that could be rendered by an 
organised Jewish settlement in Palestine. 


Throughout Wolffsohn's six years of office the Zionist 
camp was divided into "practicals" and "politicals," 
who constantly debated the question of the advisability 
of pressing forward with work in Palestine. There was 
a particularly notable discussion on the matter at the 
Eighth Congress (which was held in 1907 at The Hague). 
The speeches revealed a narrowing of the gap between 
the two sides, since the political protagonists were not in 
principle opposed to work in Palestine, but only wished 
that it should not be allowed to obscure the ultimate 
political objective; and, on the other hand, several 
spokesmen advocated the policy of a synthesis of political 
and practical activity. 1 The outcome of the discussion 

1 The idea of a synthesis of different trends in Zionism was first expressed by 
Herzl in 1898. At the Eighth Congress the only speaker who used the actual 
expression "Synthetic Zionism" was Rabbi Dr. Niemirower. Dr. Weizmann said; 
"We want an honest synthesis of the two trends. And if I felt certain that both 
sides were trying to reach an honest synthesis, then I would also be for it. But 
I have no such certainty." See Dr. Oskar K. Rabinowicz, Fifty Tears of^ionism^ 
pp. 1 00-101. 


was the decision to establish in Jaffa a Palestine Office, 
which was placed under the direction of Dr. Arthur 
Ruppin (1876-1943)3 an economist who had specialised 
In questions of Jewish sociology. The Congress also 
resolved that Hebrew should be recognised as the 
official language of the movement and be gradually 
introduced into its controlling organs, and that the 
President of future Congresses should not be either the 
President of the Organisation or a member of the 


The conflict between the "prapticals" and the "poli- 
ticals" was marked by renewed intensity at the Ninth 
Congress, which re-elected Wolffsohn as President and 
his two previous colleagues in the Executive, Jacobus 
Kann (1872-1944), and Professor Otto Warburg (1859- 
1 938)? of Berlin. In this triumvirate the only representa- 
tive of the "practicals" was Warburg; and as Sokolow's 
sympathies were with that side, he resigned the position 
of General Secretary. But at the Tenth Congress (which 
was held at Basle in 1911) the "practicals 33 at last 
triumphed by securing the election of an Executive 
consisting solely of adherents of their own school. It 
comprised Professor Warburg, who became President, 
Nahum Sokolow, Dr. Schmarya Levin (a former mem- 
ber of the Duma), Dr. Victor Jacobson, and Dr. Arthur 
Hantke (a Berlin lawyer). In consequence of this change 
the Central Office was transferred to Berlin, together 
with the official organ, Die Welt, but the head office of 
the Jewish National Fund remained in Cologne. 

The same Executive was re-elected at the Eleventh 
Congress (which was held in 1913 in Vienna), with the 
addition of Dr. Yehiel Tschlenow (1864-1918), a 
Moscow physician, also of the "practical" school, who 
shared with Ussishkin in the leadership of the Russian 
Zionists. It was the first Congress from which Nordau 
absented himself. He sent a message clearly implying 


support for the "politicals/* who still retained control of 
the Jewish Colonial Trust and successfully resisted the 
efforts of the "practicals" to oust them from that key 
position. Cultural questions occupied a prominent place 
at this Congress, for not only was it preceded by a World 
Conference of Hebraists, but an entire session was 
conducted in Hebrew; and after an address by Dr. 
Weizmarni on the founding of a Hebrew University in 
Jerusalem, the Congress enthusiastically agreed to the 
appointment of a commission to make the preliminary 
investigations for this purpose. Little did those who took 
part in that gathering dream that it would be eight 
years before the Zionist Parliament met again, when the 
prospects and problems of the movement had assumed a 
far wider range and a totally different character. 


Despite the lack of progress in the political sphere, 
various efforts at colonisation in Palestine were under- 
taken by the Zionist Organisation before the outbreak 
of the First World War in 1914. Those efforts were not 
substantial in scope and volume, but they were signifi- 
cant and epoch-making in character. During the twelve 
years that elapsed between the publication of The 
Jewish State and the beginning of Zionist colonisation, 
comparatively little progress was made by the first 
groups of Jewish settlers in the country. Owing to the 
conflicts between the colonists and his "administrators," 
Baron Edmond de Rothschild, in 1900, transferred the 
control and management of all his settlements to the 
Jewish Colonisation Association, but continued to take 
an interest in them and to provide further help whenever 
necessary. Many Jewish farmers had fair-sized holdings, 
on which they employed cheap Arab labour, so as to 
counteract the effect of heavy Government taxation 
a system that did not favour the development of a Jewish 
national community. The Hoveve %ion, under the general 
direction of the Odessa Committee, continued their 


modest effort, but with little material result. The spirit 
of heroism and self-sacrifice that distinguished the 
Biluim seemed to have evaporated; the former idealists 
found it difficult to avoid using Arab labour; no further 
large colonies were established; and many sons of the 
pioneers left the country owing to the apparently 
unpromising prospects. There was no improvement in 
the situation until the Zionist Organisation began 
practical work itself. 

The first step taken by the Organisation was the 
Establishment of a bank in Jaffa in 1903. It was a sub- 
sidiary of the Jewish Colonial Trust and was called 
the Anglo-Palestine Company, a name changed later 
to the Anglo-Palestine Bank. This was the first bank to 
introduce Western conceptions of credit into the Holy 
Land, and its success was proved by the fact that within 
a few years it opened branches in five other cities in 
Palestine as well as one in Beyrout. The next step was in 
the field of education. A modern secondary school was 
built in 1905 by an English Zionist, Alderman Jacob 
Moser, on a site on the border of Jaffa provided by the 
Jewish National Fund. It was called the "Herzl Gym- 
nasium" (used in the German sense of higher-grade 
school) and was the first modern educational establish- 
ment in which all subjects were taught in Hebrew. The 
Organisation also founded an institution for applied 
arts and crafts in Jerusalem, called the Bezalel, which 
was a contribution to solving the problem of poverty 
among those dependent upon the Halukah. The Bezalel 
taught carpet- weaving, basket-making, Damascus metal- 
work, and other crafts, and it settled at Ben-Shemen a 
group of Yemenite Jews, who combined the making of 
carpets and filigree ornaments with market-gardening 
and poultry-rearing. 


The systematic development of colonisation in Pales- 
iby the Zionist Organisation began in 1908 with the 


establishment of the Palestine Office in Jaffa under the 
direction of Dr. Ruppin. The first undertaking promoted 
by this office was the building of a Jewish residential 
suburb on the border of Jaffa with the help of a loan of 
10,000 given by the Jewish National Fund. The suburb 
was named Tel-Aviv ( cc HiU of Spring") and grew into 
the most populous city in the country. The next creation 
was the Palestine Land Development Company, whose 
purpose was to facilitate the purchase, sale, and develop- 
ment of land. The P.L.D.C. took over the management 
of two plots of the Jewish National Fund on the Sea of 
Tiberias, Kinnereth (1908) and Degania (1909), where 
farmsteads were established for the training of Jewish 
workers under expert direction. The first training farm 
for girls devoted to poultry-rearing and market-gardening 
was also established at Kinnereth. 


From the year 1905 there was a new wave of Jewish 
immigration into Palestine, the Second Wave (Ally ah}. 
It consisted of young workers from Russia, who, after the 
pogroms of that year and the suppression of the Revolu- 
tion, had abandoned all hope of freedom under the 
Tsardom and resolved to devote themselves to the revival 
of their ancestral country. They were animated by 
Socialist ideals, they wished to see Jewish land cultivated 
only by Jewish hands, and they were looked at askance 
by the older generation of colonists, who employed 
Arab labour. They found that Jewish settlements were 
being protected from attacks on the part of Bedouin 
marauders by unreliable Arab watchmen, and so they 
took over the task of protection themselves. They created 
an organisation of mounted watchmen, Hashomer> many 
of whose members died heroic deaths in lonely patrols at 
night. They were not concerned about their own material 
advancement; they wished to become farmers, not in 
their own personal interest but in the national interest 
of their people. A new form of colonisation was therefore 


created to suit their ideals: the co-operative or collective 
farm, called Kvutzflh (or "group 55 ). All the members of 
the group shared in the ownership of the estate and drew 
the same remuneration; any profit that was produced 
belonged to all in common and was devoted to the 
further development of the farm for the equal benefit 
of all 

The first co-operative farm was established in 1909, on 
Jewish National Fund land at Degania, on the shore of 
the Sea of Tiberias. It yielded good results and was soon 
followed by the formation of other co-operatives in other 
parts of the country. Most of them proved successful, 
but a notable exception was that founded at Merhavia, 
on J.N.F. land in the Valley of Jezreel, by Dr. Franz 
Oppenheimer, who was introduced to the Congress of 
1903 by Herzl. Merhavia failed to pay its way, and after 
the First World War it was divided between two groups 
of settlers. The Zionist Organisation also promoted the 
agricultural development of the country in other ways. 
It helped afforestation by planting olive trees at Hulda 
and Ben Shemen; it provided agrarian credits; and it 
helped in the establishment of an Agricultural Experi- 
ment Station (financed by American Jews) near Haifa. 
By the year 1914 there were altogether 43 Jewish 
agricultural settlements, of which 14 were directly due 
to Zionist effort. 


But it was not only in the economic field that the 
Zionist Organisation laid the foundations of the future 
Jewish National Home. It also performed an invaluable 
service in the cultural field. In the schools maintained by 
Jewish organisations from England, France, and Austria, 
the language was English, French, and German respect- 
tively. But in all the schools in the agricultural settle- 
ments, as well as in the other institutions established under 
Zionist auspices, the language of instruction was Hebrew. 
When the German IBifeverein opened some schools it 


also adopted Hebrew in most of them. But in 1913, when 
a Jewish Technical Institute was being built at Haifa on 
land of the J.N.F., with funds provided partly by the 
Hilfsverein and partly by other Jewish organisations and 
individuals, the Hilfsverein representatives, who had a 
majority on the Board of Governors, insisted that 
German should have the priority over Hebrew in the 
Institute. The result was that most of the teachers and 
children left the Hilfsverein schools and entered new 
schools that were promptly opened with the support of 
the Zionist Organisation and the Jews of Palestine, and in 
which Hebrew was the sole medium of instruction. It 
was an impressive demonstration of attachment to the 
Jewish national tongue, which caused the German 
representatives to agree to the demands of the Zionist 
Governors of the Institute. But the compromise arrived 
at proved unnecessary, as this language conflict was 
swept away by a far greater struggle, the First World 
War, which led to the advancement of Jewish national 
aspirations in a manner hitherto undreamt of even by 
the most optimistic Zionist. 




A GREAT and fundamental change in the fortunes 
of the Zionist movement was brought about by the 
First World War. We have seen that until 1914.5 although 
a number of Jewish agricultural settlements and schools 
had been established in Palestine, there was not the least 
prospect of any possible approach towards the achieve- 
ment of the Jewish national ideal owing to the inflexible 
opposition of the Ottoman Government. The war 
resulted in the liberation of Palestine from Turkish rule 
by British arms, and the way was thus opened, under 
British administration, for the possibility of the systematic 
advance of the ideal towards the stage of fulfilment. The 
period of transition was one of suffering in the country 
itself, and of anxious and strenuous effort outside it, but 
the hardships and worries of a few years were quickly 
effaced by the hopes aroused by the dawn of a new era. 


No sooner had Turkey thrown in her lot with the 
Central Powers than the Generalissimo in Palestine, 
Djemal Pasha, began a policy of ruthless oppression 
against the Jews. He issued a manifesto against "the 
subversive element aiming at the creation of a Jewish 
government in the Palestinian part of the Ottoman 
Empire." He ordered the Anglo-Palestine Bank to be 
closed and the watchmen's organisation, "Hashomer," 
to be dissolved. He forbade the use of Hebrew for street 
names and shop-signs in Tel-Aviv, and threatened those 
who put Jewish National Fund stamps on their letters 
with the penalty of death. All Jews who were subjects 
oFany of the Allied Powers were offered the alternative 


either of becoming Ottoman citizens and serving in the 
Ottoman Army or of leaving the country. Some 
thousands got away safely to Egypt, but hundreds were 
deported to Syria amid serious privations that caused 
many deaths. Many Jews, officials, and others, were 
arrested and tried on charges of espionage or siding with 
the enemy; some were tortured, and others languished in 
jail for months. One of the heroic figures of that time 
was a young woman, Sara Aaronson, of Zichron Jacob, 
who bravely refused under torture to divulge anything 
about the intelligence that she had conveyed at night to 
a British submarine that used to call near Athlit, and 
took refuge in suicide. When the Allied forces began 
their offensive against the south of Palestine, all the Jews 
of Tel- Aviv and the neighbouring area about 5,000 in 
all were evacuated to the north, and many died from 
exposure. Moreover, the Jewish population also suffered 
from hunger and disease, aggravated by a locust plague 
in 1917, and death would have made even more exten- 
sive ravages but for the material relief despatched by the 
Jews of America. 

The Zionist world was divided into three parts the 
countries of the Allied Powers, those of the Central 
Powers, and the neutral countries. The headquarters 
were then in Berlin, and in order to maintain relations 
between the constituent bodies of the Zionist Organisa- 
tion a special Bureau was opened at Copenhagen. The 
head office of the Jewish National Fund was removed 
from Cologne to The Hague. 


Among the Palestinian refugees in Egypt there soon 
arose the desire to fight on behalf of the Allied Powers. 
The leading spirit was Captain Joseph Trumpeldor 
(1880-1920), a brave, adventurous Russian Jew, who 
had lost an arm while fighting in the Russian Army 
against the Japanese at Port Arthur. He raised a con- 
tingent called the Zion Mule Corps, which played a 


useful part in the Gallipoli campaign, until it was 
dissolved in March, 1916. The agitation for the formation 
of a Jewish regiment was then conducted in London by 
Vladimir Jabotinsky (1880-1940), with the result that 
two battalions of Jewish volunteers were organised. 
"The Judaeans," as they were called, were recruited 
from young Russian Jews in England, as well as from 
Jews in the United States, Canada, and the Argentine, 
in addition to the remnant of the Zion Mule Corps. They 
arrived in Palestine in February, 1918, two months after 
General Allenby's victorious entry into Jerusalem, and 
thereupon many local Jews eagerly enlisted to form a 
third battalion, bringing up the total strength to 5,000. 
About one-third of this total took part in the pursuit of 
the Turkish troops into Transjordan, and acquitted 
themselves with such distinction that they were men- 
tioned in despatches. The country was completely 
cleared of Turkish troops in the following September, 
and thus was brought to an end the Ottoman regime that 
had lasted over 400 years. 


Long before this event a group of Zionists in England, 
besides many other people, began to envisage the defeat 
of the Central Powers as the prelude to the realisation 
of the age-long yearnings of the Jewish people. There 
was no member of the Zionist Executive in England at 
the outbreak of the war. The initiative was therefore 
taken by Dr. Chaim Weizmann (born 1874), a member 
of the Greater "Actions Committee/ 5 who was then a 
lecturer in chemistry at the Manchester University. 
Thanks to the friendly offices of C. P. Scott, the Editor of 
the Manchester Guardian, who was a convinced believer 
in Zionism, Dr. Weizmann was introduced, at the end 
of 1914, to two leading members of the British Cabinet, 
Mr. Lloyd George and Mr. Herbert (now Viscount) 
Samuel, from both of whom he received a sympathetic 
hearing. Dr. Weizmana first met Mr. Lloyd George at 


a time when there was a serious shortage of acetone, 
which was essential for the production of shells. Mr. Lloyd 
George, who was Chairman of the War Munitions com- 
mittee, explained the situation, and shortly afterwards 
Dr. Weizmann elaborated a process for the making of 
acetone. Mr. Lloyd George, in his War Memories, relates 
that when he proposed to Dr. Weizmann that he would 
like to recommend him for some honour in appreciation 
of his great services to the State, the Zionist leader 
replied that he wanted nothing for himself but wished 
something to be done for his people. "He then/ 5 con- 
tinues the account, "explained his aspirations as to the 
repatriation of the Jews to the sacred land they had made 
famous. That was the fount and origin of the famous 
declaration about the National Home for Jews in 
Palestine." This somewhat picturesque version must be 
read in the light of the following sober facts. 

Early in 1915, Mr. Herbert Samuel submitted to the 
Cabinet what Lord Oxford, then Prime Minister, 
described in his Diary as "a dithyrambic memorandum/' 
urging that in the carving up of the Turks' Asiatic 
dominions Great Britain should take Palestine, "into 
which the scattered Jews would in time swarm back from 
all quarters of the globe, and in due course obtain Home 
Rule." A year later, in the spring of 1916, the British 
Government was giving the question serious considera- 
tion, for among the State Papers published by the 
Soviet Government a few years after its establishment 
there is a document showing that the British Ambassador 
in Petrograd was requested by Sir Edward Grey to 
ascertain from the Russian Government its considered 
view on the matter. Discussion of the question with a 
leading member of the British Government was facili- 
tated, when, also in 1916, Dr. Weizmann received an 
appointment in London as Director of the Admiralty 
Laboratories. In this capacity he came into contact with 
Mr. Arthur (later Lord) Balfour, at that time First Lord 
of the Admiralty, who evinced a keen interest in the idea 
of the Jewish resettlement in Palestine, Dr. Weizmann 


had already been joined In London by two members of 
the Zionist Executive, Dr. Tschlenow 1 and Mr. Nahum 
Sokolow, of whom the latter played an important part 
in the developments that followed. 


It was not until October, 1916, that the Zionist leaders 
first put forward a "proposal for a new administration of 
Palestine and for Jewish resettlement of Palestine in 
accordance with the aspirations of the Zionist move- 
ment. 55 The principal features of this programme were 
"the recognition of a separate Jewish nationality or 
national unit in Palestine, 55 "autonomy in exclusively 
Jewish matters/ 5 and "the establishment of a Jewish 
chartered company for the resettlement of Palestine by 
Jewish settlers. 55 The informal conversations with in- 
dividual statesmen gave place to discussion of a more 
formal character after Mr. Lloyd George had become 
Prime Minister and Mr. Balfour Foreign Secretary. The 
turning point came on February yth, 1917, when a 
number of representative Zionists first met Sir Mark 
Sykes, who was in charge of the Middle Eastern Depart- 
ment of the Foreign Office. Sykes had already negotiated 
on behalf of Great Britain, in May, 1916, the Anglo- 
French Agreement known as the Sykes-Picot Agreement, 
which did not become known to the Zionist leaders until 
some time afterwards. According to this Agreement, 
which was subsequently scrapped, Palestine was to be 
divided into three parts: the northern part to go to 
France, Haifa and Acre to Britain, and the southern 
part and the Holy Places to be under the control of an 
international regime. Dr. Weizmann and Mr. Sokolow 
were introduced to Sykes before the end of 1916 by Mr. 
James Malcolm, a British Armenian and member of the 
Armenian National delegation to the Peace Conference 
of 1919. 

As the matter entailed negotiations with the French 

1 Efed in London, January gist, 1918. 


and Italian Governments, Mr. Sokolow went to Paris 
and Rome and obtained expressions of sympathy with 
Zionism from them both as well as from the Pope. The 
Zionist leaders both in Russia and in the United States 
were kept informed of the course of the negotiations, and 
when Mr. Balfour visited America in the Spring of 1917 
he discussed the question with President Wilson, and also 
with Justice Louis D. Brandeis, of the Supreme Court, 
who was Chairman of the Provisional Executive Com- 
mittee for General Zionist Affairs (a body intended to 
act temporarily for the Executive of the World Zionist 

After the discussions had made some progress the 
Presidents of the Board of Deputies of British Jews and 
the Anglo-Jewish Association published a letter in The 
Times of May 24th, 1917, in which they publicly dis- 
sociated themselves from the Zionist proposals. Their 
letter was an attack upon the fundamental principles of 
Zionism and an attempt to discredit the Zionist leaders. 
It provoked a storm of indignation in the Anglo-Jewish 
community, as it was obviously intended to frustrate the 
efforts to obtain a declaration of sympathy with Zionist 
aspirations from the British Government. The result was 
a revolt on the part of the majority of the Board of 
Deputies, who brought about the election of a new 
President, Sir Stuart Samuel (1856-1926)5 and other 
honorary officers of pro-Zionist sympathies. 


In July, 1917, the Zionist leaders submitted to the 
Government a formula embodying "the principle of 
recognising Palestine as the National Home of the Jewish 
people" and postulating "as essential for the realisation 
of the principle the grant of internal autonomy to the 
Jewish nationality in Palestine, freedom of immigration 
for Jews, and the establishment of a Jewish National 
Colonising Corporation for the resettlement and eco- 
nomic development of the country." The Cabinet, which 


had received antagonistic representations from certain 
prominent English Jews, modified the Zionist draft and 
submitted their own version to representatives of both 
sides with a covering letter, requesting their views in 
writing. Dr. Weizmann and Mr. Sokolow accepted the 
revised version, which contained the phrase, "the 
establishment in Palestine of a National Home/ 3 
though they would have preferred, as being in stricter 
consonance with the traditional hope of Israel, "the 
reconstitution of Palestine as the National Home." 
The Chief Rabbi, Dr. J. H. Hertz (1872-1946), and Sir 
Stuart Samuel, were fundamentally in agreement with 
the Zionist point of view, but the anti-Zionist leaders 
took objection to the formula, particularly to the word 
"national." The result was that the Cabinet made further 
modifications of the formula, and there was delay in 
giving official approval to the final text, partly owing to 
opposition in its own circle, especially from Edwin S. 
Montagu (1879-1924), the Jewish Secretary of State for 
India. To expedite matters, Justice Brandeis approached 
President Wilson, who sent a personal message to the 
British Government, intimating his agreement with the 
idea of a pro-Zionist pronouncement. At last, on 
November 2nd, 1917, Mr. Balfour addressed a letter to 
Lord Rothschild, containing the following declaration: 

"His Majesty's Government view with favour the establishment 
in Palestine of a national home for the Jewish people, and will use 
their best endeavours to facilitate the achievement of this object, 
it being clearly understood that nothing shall be done which may 
prejudice the civil and religious rights of existing non-Jewish 
communities in Palestine, or the rights and political status enjoyed 
by Jews in any other country." 


In promulgating this historic statement, henceforth 
known as the Balfour Declaration, the British Govern- 
ment were clearly animated by both ideal and material 
considerations: whilst willing to help the Jews to achieve 
their national aspirations, they certainly also took into 


account the effect which such a Declaration must pro- 
duce upon the Jews in other countries, especially 
America, where sympathy at a critical stage in the war 
was of considerable value. Indeed, Mr. Lloyd George, 
Prime Minister at the time, told the Palestine Royal 
Commission in 1937, that the launching of the Balfour 
Declaration was "due to propagandist reasons/' He said 
that "it was believed that Jewish sympathies or the 
reverse would make a substantial difference one way or 
the other to the Allied cause. In particular, Jewish 
sympathy would confirm the support of American 
Jewry/' He further stated: 

"The Zionist leaders gave us a definite promise that, if the Allies 
committed themselves to give facilities for the establishment of a 
national home for the Jews in Palestine, they would do their best to 
rally Jewish sentiment and support throughout the world to the 
Allied cause. They kept their word." 


The Declaration was hailed by Jews all over the world 
with a jubilant and almost frenzied enthusiasm, as 
though it betokened the imminent end of their exile and 
the veritable fulfilment of Biblical prophecies. Its terms 
and phrases were variously commented upon, but all 
agreed that it marked a turning-point in the destinies of 
Jewry. The expression "National Home 55 was unknown 
in political terminology, but it had been taken from the 
Basle Programme and therefore needed no definition. 
As for the two provisos, they were designed to silence the 
objections in two possible quarters among the Arabs in 
Palestine, who might fear a curtailment of their rights, 
and among Jews outside Palestine, who might be 
apprehensive about their own political status in the 
future. The proviso in regard to the Jews clearly implied 
that the National Home would be invested with specific 
political rights of its own, for if it were merely intended 
that Jews should settle on the same footing as immigrants 
of any other nation, such a proviso was unnecessary. The 


Government derived the maximum benefit from the 
Declaration by carrying out an extensive propaganda 
campaign through a specially created Jewish Depart- 
ment of the Ministry of Information, which cabled news 
items to friendly or neutral centres, whence they were 
transmitted to the capitals of the Central Powers. 
According to the Royal Commission's Report, millions 
of leaflets "were dropped from the air on German and 
Austrian towns and , widely distributed through the 
Jewish belt from Poland to the Black Sea." 


The Balfour Declaration was not issued until both the 
French and Italian Governments had signified their 
approval, and it was also endorsed by the other Allied 
Powers* President Wilson likewise expressed his approval, 
and in 1922 both Houses of the United States Congress 
unanimously adopted a resolution in favour of the 
establishment in Palestine of a national home for the 
Jewish people. The Central Powers were moved to 
counter-action. The Austrian Government announced 
that it would use its influence in favour of Zionism with 
the Turks when the war was over. The Turkish Grand 
Vizier, Talaat Pasha, promised free immigration for 
Jews into Palestine, liberty of economic opportunity, the 
possibility of local self-administration, and free develop- 
ment of Jewish culture, but he stipulated that "all 
immigration must, of course, be kept within the natural 
limits of the absorptive capacity of the country for the 
time being. 53 This Turkish declaration was officially 
endorsed on January 5th, 1918 by the German Govern- 
ment through the medium of the Deputy-Secretary of 
its Foreign Office, 


Now, what was the meaning of the Balfour Declara- 
tion? According to the Royal Commission, who examined 
all die records bearing on the question, "the words 'the 


establishment in Palestine of a National Home* were the 
outcome of a compromise between those Ministers who 
contemplated the establishment of a Jewish State and 
those who did not." Mr. Lloyd George stated in evidence 
that "it was contemplated that when the time arrived 
for according representative institutions to Palestine, if 
the Jews had meanwhile responded to the opportunity 
afforded them by the idea of a national home and had 
become a definite majority of the inhabitants, then 
Palestine would thus become a Jewish Commonwealth* 5 ' 1 
Declarations to this effect had been made by Viscount 
Cecil, a member of the Cabinet at the time, by General 
Smuts, a member of the Imperial War Cabinet, and by 
President Wilson, all within the first two years after the 
Declaration was issued. Mr. Winston Churchill en- 
visaged "in our own lifetime by the banks of the Jordan 
a Jewish State under the protection of the British 
Crown, which might comprise three or four millions of 
Jews/' 2 and Mr. Herbert Samuel spoke of "the pro- 
motion . . . of Jewish immigration and of Jewish land 
settlement, . . . and the fullest measure of local self- 
government, in order that with the minimum of delay the 
country may become a purely self-governing Common- 
wealth under the auspices of an established Jewish 
majority. 5 ' 8 Leading British newspapers were equally 
explicit in their comments on the Declaration. 


The first step taken in furtherance of the objects of the 
Declaration was the departure of a Zionist Commission 
from England, under the leadership of Dr. Weizmann, to 
Palestine, after the southern part of the country had been 
redeemed by General Allenby's forces. It consisted of 
representatives of the Jews of Great Britain, France, and 
Italy, who were joined at a later stage by American and 
Russian Zionists. The principal objects of the Com- 

1 Report of Palestine Royal Commission, p. 24. 

2 Illustrated Sunday Herald, February 8th, 1920. 
8 The Zionist Bulletin, November 5th 3 1919. 


mission were to act as the medium between the British 
authorities and the Jewish population, to organise and 
administer the relief work, to assist in restoring the 
Jewish colonies, to help the Jewish organisations and 
institutions to resume their former activities, and to aid 
in establishing friendly relations ^yvith the Arabs and 
other non-Jews. The Zionist Commission, which reached 
Palestine in April, 1918, was faced by a formidable task, 
as the Jews had suffered severely from hunger and disease 
and from the requisitioning of their crops and cattle by 
the Turks. After the entire country had been delivered it 
was found that the Jewish population had been reduced 
to about 55,000. 

The Commission was at first able to do little more than 
distribute relief to the Jewish population and co-operate 
in the recruiting of volunteers for the third Jewish 
battalion. It was hampered in its- activities by the 
Military Administration, styled Occupied Enemy Terri- 
tory Administration, which took no official note of the 
Balfour Declaration and was opposed to the laying of the 
foundation stones of the Hebrew University of Jerusalem. 
The Foreign Office had therefore to send a special 
instruction to ensure the holding of this ceremony. The 
event took place within the sound of guns, in the summer 
of 1918, on Mount Scopus, in the presence of General 
Allenby, representatives of the French and Italian con- 
tingents in the army of liberation, and the heads of the 
various religious communities. It was a symbolic act of 
inspiring significance, but seven years had to elapse 
before the inauguration of the University could be 


As one of the objects of the Zionist Commission was to 
help in establishing friendly relations with the Arabs, 
Dr. Weizmann, accompanied by Major W. Ormsby-Gore 
(now Lprd Harlech), who was attached to the Zionist 
Commission as Political Officer for the Government, 


went to Akaba in June, 1918, to meet Emir Felsal, 
a son of Hussein, the Sherif of Mecca. Hussein had 
revolted against the Turks after a correspondence in 1915 
with Sir Henry McMahon, the British High Commis- 
sioner in Egypt, who, on behalf of the British Govern- 
ment, had promised independence after the war to those 
Arab territories that gave assistance to the Allies. The 
area within which independence was to be recognised 
was geographically defined and did not include Palestine, 
apart from which the Arabs of that country neither 
revolted nor assisted the Allies. 1 

Feisal fully understood that Palestine was excluded 
from the promise, for when he came to London in the 
following winter he signed an agreement on January 3rd, 
1919, as the representative of "the Arab State," with 
Dr. Weizmann as representing Palestine, clearly showing 
that he regarded this country as reserved for Jewish 
settlement, and stipulating for the help of the Zionist 
Organisation in the economic development of "the Arab 
State. 33 Nearly five weeks later, on February 6th, Feisal 
appeared as the head of a Hedjaz Delegation before the 
Peace Conference, at which he asked for the independ- 
ence of the Arabic areas enumerated in his memoran- 
dum, with the explicit exception of Palestine. A week 
later the Peace Conference received a Syrian Delegation, 
the head of which, Chekri Ganem, made a long state- 
ment, in the course of which he said, with regard to the 
Zionists 3 claim: "Let them settle in Palestine, but in an 
autonomous Palestine, connected with Syria by the sole 
bond of federation. ... If they form the majority there, 
they will be the rulers. If they are in the minority, they 
will be represented in the Government in proportion to 
their numbers. 332 

1 The exclusion of Palestine was confirmed by Sir Henry McMahon in a letter 
to The Times 9 July 23rd, 1937, and was borne out by T. E. Lawrence hi his Seven 
Pillars of Wisdom (1935 edition, footnote to p. 276). See also the Churchill White 
Paper of 1922. 

a D, Hunter Miller, My Diary of the Peace Conference, Vol. XIV, pp. 389-415, 
quoted in The Truth about the Peace Treaties, by D. Lloyd George, Vol. II, p. 1,057. 



The Zionist leaders submitted their demands to the 
Peace Conference in a detailed statement, dated 
February 3rd, 1919. Its main proposals were that "the 
historic title of the Jewish people to Palestine and the 
right of the Jews to constitute in Palestine their National 
Home" be recognised; that the sovereignty of the country 
be vested in the League of Nations and the government 
entrusted to Great Britain as Mandatory of the League; 
and that "Palestine shall be placed under such political, 
administrative, and economic conditions as will secure 
the establishment there of the Jewish National Home, 
and ultimately render possible the creation of an auto- 
nomous Commonwealth/ 3 This document was signed 
not only by Mr. Sokolow and Dr. Weizmann, as the 
heads of the Zionist Organisation, but also by repre- 
sentatives of the Zionists of America and Russia, as well 
as of the Jewish population of Palestine. Three weeks 
later the requests in that document were reinforced by 
the speeches made by the two Zionist leaders, by Mr. 
Ussishkin (who spoke in Hebrew), on behalf of the Jews 
of Russia, and by Mr. Andre Spiers, who represented the 
Zionists of France, at a session of the Peace Conference 
at which Mr. Balfour and Lord Milner were the British 
representatives. Thereupon Feisal wrote a letter to 
Professor Felix Frankfurter (now a judge in the United 
States Supreme Court of Justice), a member of the 
Zionist Delegation, in the course of which he said: "Our 
deputation here in Paris is fully acquainted with the 
proposals submitted yesterday by the Zionist Organisa- 
tion to the Peace Conference, and we regard them as 
moderate and proper. We will do our best, in so far as 
we are concerned, to help them through; we will wish the 
Jews a most hearty welcome home." But Palestine was 
only one of a multitude of questions with which the 
victorious Powers had to deal, and more than a year 
elapsed before its future was decided upon. 



This delay was most unfortunate, as the Military 
Administration continued to ignore the Balfbur Declara- 
tion and to maintain an attitude of hostility to Jewish 
aspirations. The effect upon the Arabs was so prejudicial 
that Mr. Balfour despatched a detailed instruction to 
Jerusalem on August 4th, 1919, to remind the Military 
Administration of the Government's policy and of their 
duty. The note stated that the American and French 
Governments were equally pledged to the support of the 
establishment of the Jewish National Home and that this 
should be emphasised to the Arab leaders at every 
opportunity. But it produced only a transient effect, as 
the mischief had already gone too far. There was an 
Arab National Committee in Damascus, which was 
opposed both to Syria coming under a French mandate 
and to Palestine under a British one; and at its instiga- 
tion a band of Bedouin made an armed attack on March 
ist, 1920, upon Metulla and Tel Hai, isolated Jewish 
settlements in the extreme north of Palestine. A heroic 
fight was put up by Captain Trumpeldor and his little 
band of comrades, but after he and six others were killed 
both places had to be temporarily abandoned. The 
Damascus Committee then proclaimed Feisal, who was 
in the city, King of Syria and Palestine, and thereupon 
followed anti-Jewish demonstrations in Jerusalem and 
Jaffa. The unrest increased, and upon the approach of 
Easter there was a three days 5 attack (April 4th-6th) by 
Arabs upon Jews in Jerusalem, in which six Jews and 
six Arabs were killed. The military authorities had been 
warned of the probability of the outbreak, but took 
no precautions. On the contrary, they arrested the 
organisers and members of the Jewish self-defence 
corps and sentenced them to long terms of imprison- 
ment (which, however, were quashed later by the Army 
Council) . 



These events precipitated the eagerly awaited decision. 
On April 24th, 1920, the Supreme Council of the Peace 
Conference (on which Great Britain was represented by 
Mr. Lloyd George, Mr. Balfour, and Lord Curzon), met 
at San Remo, and resolved that the Balfour Declaration 
should be incorporated in the Treaty of Peace with 
Turkey, and that the Mandate for Palestine should be 
allotted to Great Britain. The way was thus cleared for 
the termination of military rule in Palestine and its 
replacement by a Civil Administration. "What you want 
in Palestine/' said Mr. Lloyd George to Dr. Weizmann 
and Mr. Sokolow, who were awaiting the decision, "is 
men who really care for the National Home policy/' 
Mr. Herbert Samuel was also present, as he was on his 
way back from Palestine, to which he had gone at the 
invitation of General Allenby to give advice on matters 
of administration and finance. An understanding was 
soon reached that Mr. Samuel, who had shown a keen 
interest in the Zionist question for some years and taken 
part in the framing of the Zionist proposals, should be 
appointed as the first High Commissioner in Palestine. 
His appointment was announced shortly afterwards, and 
on July ist, 1920, he landed, as Sir Herbert Samuel, at 
Jaffa from a British warship to inaugurate what the 
Jewish people hoped would be not only a new, but a 
better era. 


19*7- 1 9*5 


Now that we have followed the sequence of military 
and political events that led to the setting-up in 
Palestine of a British Civil Administration, whose pri- 
mary obligation was to promote the establishment of the 
Jewish National Home, 1 let us survey the course of 
developments within the Zionist movement. It was a 
tragic paradox that the First World War, which had 
resulted in giving the Jewish people the right to recon- 
stitute itself as a nation in Palestine, had rendered large 
sections of it unable to avail themselves of that right or 
unable to help in its realisation, owing either to political 
changes or to economic conditions. The Jews of Russia, 
previously the mainstay of the Zionist cause, were now 
sundered in two. Those under the rule of Soviet Russia, 
numbering nearly three million, were completely cut 
off from any association with the Jews in the rest of the 
world, and were forbidden, under penalties of imprison- 
ment and deportation, to take any part in Zionism, 
which was proscribed as a "counter-revolutionary 
movement." On the other hand, those who found them- 
selves within the frontiers of the Polish Republic, as 
well as those in the other lands liberated from the Tsarist 
yoke, namely, Lithuania, Latvia, Estonia, Finland, and 
also Bessarabia (annexed by Rumania), were freely able 
to engage in Zionist activities; but their material plight 
made it impossible for them for some years to render any 
appreciable contribution, except in respect of man- 
power, to the fulfilment of their national aspirations. 
Jews in Germany and other parts of Central Europe 

1 Palestine Royal Commission Report, pp. 38-9. 


were in a similar position. Thus, the brunt of the task 
was inevitably shouldered by the Jews of the West, 
particularly by those in the English-speaking countries. 
The Balfour Declaration gave a powerful incentive to 
the growth of Zionist societies and the creation of new 
ones in all parts of the world where Jews were free to 
profess their adhesion to the Zionist idea. The greatest 
progress was made in Great Britain and the British 
Dominions, but the movement also underwent immedi- 
ate expansion in the United States and other parts of 
America, as well as in the lands of the Orient and North 
Africa. In all these different parts of the globe Jews 
began to look upon the Zionist ideal as capable of 
achievement in some measure, although many still 
remained indifferent or opposed. The only countries in 
which, apart from Soviet Russia, the movement was 
actually forbidden were Turkey, because Palestine had 
formerly belonged to the Ottoman Empire, and Iraq, 
owing to local sympathy with the Palestine Arabs. 


In order to provide the machinery for conducting the 
political work necessary for obtaining the Balfour 
Declaration, a Zionist Bureau was opened in London in 
July, 1917. It was under the direction of Dr. Weizmann 
and Mr. Sokolow, who took steps, soon after the war, to 
convene a Conference in London of delegates from all 
Allied and neutral countries. This Conference, which 
was held in February, 1919, elected Dr. Weizmann on 
the Zionist Executive in place of Dr. Tschlenow, who 
had died a year before. The Zionist leaders delivered 
their reports on the proposals that they had submitted 
to the Peace Conference, and the delegates empowered 
them to continue their efforts. The Conference decided 
upon the establishment of the Central Office of the 
Zionist Organisation in London to take the place of the 
provisional Bureau, and increased the representative 
character of the Zionist Commission in Palestine. 



The Conference also devoted serious consideration to 
the position of the Jews in the various countries of 
Central and Eastern Europe, as it was anxious that they 
should receive not only the rights of citizenship but also 
those of a national minority. In most of these countries 
Jewish National Councils had been formed immediately 
after the war to safeguard the civil status of the Jewish 
population, and delegations were sent to Paris for the 
purpose of formulating proposals to the Peace Confer- 
ence. The Zionist Conference accordingly decided to 
send a delegation to Paris in order to organise these 
various delegations as a single body; and there was thus 
set up, under the leadership of Sokolow and Leo 
Motzkin, the Committee of Jewish Delegations, which 
co-operated with Jewish representative organisations of 
Western Europe and America in securing minority 
rights for millions of Jews. These rights (which were also 
granted to other racial, religious, and linguistic minor- 
ities) were primarily intended to enable the Jews to use 
their own language in private or public, to maintain their 
own charitable, religious, social, and educational in- 
stitutions, and also, in towns where they formed a 
considerable proportion, to receive an equitable share 
of the public funds devoted to such institutions. The 
League of Nations was entrusted with the duty of 
watching over the implementation of these rights, but, 
unfortunately, owing to its inadequate machinery and 
cumbersome procedure, they were flouted by most of 
the States that had promised to observe them. Thus, the 
hopes that the Jews had reposed in the Minorities 
Treaties were largely disappointed. 


The Conference of 1919 was followed by a much more 
important one, also in London, in July, 1920. This was 
the most representative Zionist gathering since the 


Congress of 1913, it was attended by over 250 delegates 
from all parts of the world, and it afforded the first 
opportunity of a free and full exchange of views on all 
questions resulting from the new political situation. 
Justice Brandeis, who headed a large delegation from 
the United States, was elected Honorary President of 
the Zionist Organisation,, Dr. Weizmann was made 
President, and Mr. Sokolow, Chairman of the Executive. 
The Conference, of which Dr. Max Nordau was the 
Honorary President, adopted a great number of resolu- 
tions both on questions of policy and on the measures 
necessary for the translation of policy into practice. These 
resolutions affirmed the determination of the Jewish 
people in Palestine to live in peace and friendship with 
the non-Jewish population, declared that the funda- 
mental principle of Zionist land policy was that all land 
on which Jewish colonisation took place should eventu- 
ally become the common property of the Jewish people, 
and designated the Jewish National Fund as the organ 
for carrying out this land policy in town and country. 

The Conference also dealt with the question of immi- 
gration into Palestine, which had now become a practical 
problem of particular urgency. It was decided that a 
Central Immigration Office should be established in 
Jerusalem without delay, and that Palestine Offices 
should be opened in all countries expected to furnish 
contingents of young settlers, who were called Halutzim 
(pioneers) . These Offices were to be controlled by local 
committees representative of the various Zionist parties 
(and composed in proportion to their numbers), and 
they were to ensure that those selected had received 
adequate training (called Hachsharah] either as agri- 
culturists or as artisans, that they were able to speak 
Hebrew, and were physically fit. 


The nature of the fund by means of which the great 
work of colonisation, apart from the purchase of land, 


was to be financed, gave rise to a serious controversy 
between the Zionist Executive and a group of the 
American Zionists. Besides the Jewish National Fund, 
which was devoted principally to land purchase, another 
fund, called the Preparation Fund, had been created in 
July, 1917, and its name was subsequently changed to 
the Palestine Restoration Fund (Keren Geulah}. The 
purpose of this fund was to finance the work in London 
and in Paris and especially the activities of the Zionist 
Commission in Palestine, and during the first three 
years of its existence it had yielded over 600,000. It was 
now considered necessary to create a much more 
substantial and permanent fund, entailing some sacrifice 
on the part of the contributors. This "immigration and 
colonisation fund" was named Keren Hayesod, or 
Foundation Fund. The Conference aimed at raising 
25,000,000 in one year from Jews contributing on the 
basis of a tithe of their capital, and also of their income. 
At least 20 per cent, of the money collected was to be 
given to the Jewish National Fund, and of the remainder 
not more than a third was to be spent on immigration, 
education, and other social services, and two-thirds 
"invested in permanent national institutions or economic 

But the Administration of the Zionist Organisation of 
America were strongly opposed to this arrangement, 
which they called a "commingling of funds." They 
insisted that the whole income of the Keren Hayesod 
should be devoted solely to the communal or social 
services, and that the financing of commercial under- 
takings should be left to private investors, as they 
thought that economic enterprises would suffer if they 
were dependent on donation funds. The Conference, 
however, decided that the Keren Hayesod should be 
established and devoted to both social services and 
economic undertakings. The consequence was that 
Justice Brandeis and his supporters refased to co-operate 
or to serve on the Executive. But at the American Zionist 
Convention in the following year in Cleveland a new 


Administration was elected which was pledged to sup- 
port the Executive and the Keren Hayesod. 

The London Conference of 1920 also appointed a 
Reorganisation Commission, mainly in response to 
American criticism, for the purpose of adjusting the 
administrative apparatus in London to the Organisa- 
tion's income, and also of overhauling the machinery of 
the Zionist Commission. The Central Office was re- 
organised so as to consist of five departments Political 
Affairs, Organisation, Finance, Immigration, and Pub- 
licity and some changes were also made in the office 
and the composition of the Zionist Commission. 


The two London assemblies, however, were only 
preparatory stages towards the Twelfth Zionist Congress. 
This, the first Congress since 1913, met in what was then 
the liberal and congenial atmosphere of Carlsbad, in 
September, 1921. It was much larger, more imposing, 
and more animated than any Congress that had pre- 
ceded it; but it was also different in composition. Far 
more countries were represented, but Russia was not 
among them, and Palestine had sent a bigger delegation 
than ever before. The British Ambassador in Prague 
attended the festive inaugural session to convey a 
message of good wishes from his Government and to 
repeat the terms of the Balfour Declaration, which were 
received with enthusiastic and prolonged applause. 1 
The deliberations were rendered all the more difficult 
by the great concourse of delegates and the limited time 
within which the business had to be completed, but by 
transferring all technical problems and business details, 
as well as the drafting of all resolutions, to a number of 
committees composed of representatives of all parties, 
and by continuing some debates until the small hours of 

1 All subsequent Congresses were greeted at the opening session by a diplomatic 
representative of the British Government until 1937. The White Paper of 1939 
would have made such a ceremonial act at the Congress of that year embarrassing 
for even the most accomplished diplomatist^ and the atmosphere of the Congress 
in December, 1946, was certainly unfavourable. 


the morning, the Congress completed Its stupendous 
labours in a fortnight. There were present 445 elected 
delegates (besides many ex officio delegates) , representing 
770,000 Shekel-payers (compared with 130,000 in 1913)* 
The delegates were divided into three main groups: 
306 General Zionists, 97 of the Mizrachi, and 38 of the 
Labour parties. The General Zionists occupied the 
centre of the hall, the Mizrachi sat facing the right of the 
President, and the Labour delegates were on his left 
an arrangement observed at all subsequent Congresses, 
although from 1923 there were additions to the "wings," 
as the parties on either side of the centre were called. 


The Congress adopted an elaborate programme of 
work, embracing all phases of the new life in the Land of 
Israel, as well as the related activities in the Diaspora. 
It approved of the large land purchases, 62,000 dunams 1 
in extent, that had recently been made by the Jewish 
National Fund in the Valley of Jezreel, at a cost of 
282,000, and decided that the head office of the Fund 
should be transferred from The Hague to Jerusalem. It 
resolved upon an intensification of agricultural activity 
under the authority of a Colonisation Department, to be 
directed by a member of the Executive. It endorsed and 
elaborated the decisions of the London Conference 
regarding the organising of immigration into Palestine, 
and undertook to subsidise the occupational training of 
Halutzim, towards which the local Zionist bodies were 
also required to contribute. It assumed the obligation of 
maintaining all schools in Palestine that accepted the 
authority of the Zionist Organisation, declared that 
Jewish religious laws must be observed in all institutions 
subventioned by the Organisation, and authorised the 
increase of the capital of the Anglo-Palestine Bank to 
1,000,000. It also called upon all Jewish scholars, 
teachers, and writers in the Diaspora to dedicate their 

1 1 dunam= J acre. 


energies to the advancement of Hebrew literature and 
the furtherance of Hebrew as a spoken language, and 
decided that an official organ be published in Hebrew., 


To cover the cost of all these and other activities 
in the ensuing year, the Congress adopted a budget of 
1 ,500,000, of which two-fifths was primarily for agri- 
cultural colonisation, immigration, education, and other 
social services; one-third was for house building and 
economic undertakings; and the rest was to go to the 
Jewish National Fund. It was an ambitious budget, 
based upon an optimistic estimate of the Keren Hayesod, 
which, however, failed to be realised. The target of 
25,000,000 to be reached in a year, or even in five 
years, was abandoned as impracticable (although years 
later Hitler, by his own methods, showed that it was not 
unattainable). The fixing of contributions to the Keren 
Hayesod on the basis of the traditional tithe was retained 
as an ideal, but the "self-taxation" of most contributors 
fell far short of this. An agreement had been concluded 
in 1920 between the Keren Hayesod and the Jewish 
National Fund as to their respective methods of collec- 
tion; but the arrangement whereby the Keren Hayesod 
was to give 20 per cent, of its receipts to the J.N.F. soon 
lapsed, as those receipts did not attain the expected level 
and the J.N.F/s own income increased. The total 
amount raised by the Keren Hayesod in the first 18 
months of its existence, from April, 1921, to September, 
1922, was a little over 600,000. Consequently the 
budgetary arrangements had to be seriously scaled 


Three other important matters were dealt with by the 
Congress the political situation, the constitution of the 
Zionist Organisation, and the election of a new Execu- 
tive. The Congress voiced a solemn protest against the 


Arab riots that had taken place in the preceding May, 
expressed the resolve to live with the Arabs in Palestine 
on terms of concord and mutual respect, and requested 
the Executive to secure an honourable entente with them 
in strict accordance with the Balfour Declaration. In 
consequence of the numerical growth of the Organisa- 
tion, several changes were made, such as raising the 
number of Shekel-payers necessary for the election of a 
delegate to Congress from 200 to 2,500, and increasing 
the number of members necessary for the recognition of 
a Separate Union (that is, a body of Zionists subscribing 
to a particular social, religious, or political principle 
within the movement, such as the Mizrachi and the 
Poale Zion) from 3,000 to 20,000. The concluding act 
of the Congress was the election of an Executive of 13, 
headed by Dr. Weizmann as President of the Organisa- 
tion, and Nahum Sokolow as President of the Executive. 
It was a "coalition" Executive, as it included repre- 
sentatives of all parties. Six of the members (including 
Ussishkin) were to constitute the Executive in Jerusalem 
(thus replacing the Zionist Commission) and to take 
charge of affairs in Palestine. 


The Organisation was now equipped with all the 
principal organs, institutions, and offices essential for the 
new era of widely ramified activity. The Central Office 
in London had two main functions to look after 
political affairs by keeping in contact with the Colonial 
Office and to watch over Zionist activities in all parts of 
the world and it was also in constant communication 
with the office in Jerusalem for the purpose of mutual 
information and co-ordinated action. In order to safe- 
guard Zionist interests in connection with the work of the 
Mandates Commission of the League of Nations, to 
which the British Government was answerable as the 
Mandatory for Palestine, a political bureau was opened 
in Geneva in 1925. The official organ in English, from 


July, 1919, was a weekly journal. The Zionist Bulletin^ 
which was discontinued towards the end of 1920; but 
from September, 1924, the Executive began to issue The 
New Judea. The Hebrew organ of the Executive, Haolam, 
which first appeared in Cologne in 1907, was revived in 
London in 1919. In addition to these official journals 
there were, during the period between the two World 
Wars, at least one hundred Zionist or pro-Zionist 
newspapers published in different parts of the world, 
from New York to Cairo, from Buenos Aires to Bombay, 
and from Paris to Johannesburg. 


The Organisation now comprised some thousands of 
societies throughout the world, which were either united 
in Federations in countries with a large Jewish popula- 
tion or existed as active units in isolated outposts like 
Shanghai or Singapore. Relations between the Central 
Office and this multitude of affiliated constituents were 
maintained by an ever-growing correspondence in 
various languages, and also by periodical visits of mem- 
bers of the Executive and officials, who travelled to the 
most distant parts of the globe, enlightening all Jewish 
communities on the aims and ideals of the movement 
and collecting funds for their realisation. 

There were developments not only among the Zionists 
in general, or the General Zionists, but also among those 
devoted to some distinguishing principle in the move- 
ment, such as the orthodox Mizrachi or the adherents of 
different shades of Socialism, Before 1914 the two main 
Socialist parties in Palestine were the Poale Zion and 
Hapoel Hatzair ("The Young Worker"). But in 
Eastern Europe there arose another Socialist party, 
Zeire Zion ("Youths of Zion 35 ), who based themselves 
rather upon the lower middle class than the proletariat, 
and were particularly active in advocating the principle 
of Halutziut training for pioneering work in Palestine. 
These three Socialist parties combined with one another 


at different stages, and by 1932 they were all united in 
one single body, commonly known as the Poale Zion. 
But in 1934 there was formed another Socialist group, 
Hashomer Hatzair ("The Young Watchman"), which 
differed from the Poale Zion in more strongly emphasising 
Marxism and favouring a bi-national State in Palestine. 

THE wxz.o. 

Zionism, as a democratic movement, knows no sex 
distinction, and women can be elected to all positions. 
Nevertheless, in 1920 there was established the Women's 
International Zionist Organisation (commonly called 
the WJ.Z.CX) for the purpose of making a specific 
contribution to the National Home the maintenance 
of infant welfare centres, girls' training farms, and 
domestic economy schools. Although not under the 
authority of the Zionist Executive, the W.I.Z.O. co- 
operated harmoniously and most usefully in the work in 
Palestine. Before the Second World War it had a mem- 
bership of over 80,000 in 44 countries. 1 In the United 
States the women Zionists have their own organisation, 
the Hadassah, which is affiliated to the World Zionist 


There is also an extensive Zionist youth movement on 
both sides of the Atlantic, embracing different schools of 
thought, and including many societies of university 
students. Before the war the leading position was main- 
tained by "Hehalutz" ("The Pioneer 55 ), an organisation 
(with headquarters in Warsaw) whose members, num- 
bering over 100,000 and distributed over many countries, 
devoted themselves to technical and cultural preparation 
for settlement in Palestine. Unfortunately "Hehalutz" 
was among the countless Jewish casualties of the Second 
World War. Its members, like those of all other Jewish 

1 By the end of 1950 the membership of the W.I.Z.O. had increased to 140,000 
in 54 countries, and the membership of Hadassah had increased to 300,000. 


youth organisations on the Continent, played heroic 
parts in the Resistance movements in various lands 
against the barbarous Nazi invaders. Most of them were 
denied the wish to dedicate their energies to the rebuild- 
ing of their ancestral home, for they sacrificed their lives 
in the bitter struggle. But both those who perished and 
those who survived, they all alike bravely upheld the 
honour of their people and shed undying glory upon the 
Jewish name. 


i 920-1928 


THE selection of a Jew as the first High Commissioner 
in Palestine inspired the hope that the hostility to 
Jewish national aspirations that had marked the Military 
Administration would cease. It also strengthened the 
belief that the British Government was resolved to carry 
out its historic promise in both the letter and the spirit. 
Subsequent events will show to what extent that hope 
was realised and that belief was justified. Soon after Ms 
arrival Sir Herbert Samuel addressed an assembly of 
officials and leading representatives of all sections of the 
population, announced that the Allied and Associated 
Powers had decided that measures should be adopted 
"to secure the gradual establishment in Palestine of a 
National Home for the Jewish people/' and gave an 
assurance that the civil and religious rights and the 
prosperity of the general population would not in any 
way be affected. The gratification felt by the Jews at the 
official promulgation of their national charter was 
temporarily enhanced when the High Commissioner 
attended the synagogue in the Old City of Jerusalem on 
the Sabbath after the Fast of Ab, and read the heartening 
message from Isaiah: "Comfort ye, comfort ye, my 
people." But the early enthusiasm had soon to give way 
to a sober and watchful attitude. 


In organising the Civil Administration, the High 
Commissioner chose as his Chief Secretary, Sir Wynd- 
ham Deedes, who was known to be in perfect sympathy 
with Zionism, but Sir Wyndham remained in Palestine 
only three years. Unfortunately, a good proportion of the 
officials of the Military Administration were retained, 


many of whom had little or no understanding of, or 
sympathy with, the policy that they were required to 
serve. Some of them made no secret of their views, and 
their attitude inevitably had a prejudicial effect upon the 
Arabs. The few Jews appointed to senior positions were 
unable to neutralise that influence, and their number 
dwindled as time went on. Apart from the Administra- 
tion there was created an Advisory Council, over which 
the High Commissioner presided. This Council was 
composed of 12 official and 10 non-official members, the 
latter consisting of four Moslems, three Christians, and 
three Jews. It afforded the opportunity of consultations 
between the Government officials and representatives of 
the three religious communities, who were able to criticise 
the drafts of Ordinances that the Government proposed 
enacting, and also to raise questions that they wished to 
have considered. 

At an early stage in the deliberations of the Advisory 
Council two fundamental decisions were taken, bearing 
upon the status of the Jews as a nation. All Government 
ordinances and official notices were to be published in 
Hebrew as well as in English and Arabic; in areas con- 
taining a considerable Jewish population the three 
languages were to be used in the local offices and 
municipalities as well as in Government departments; 
and written and oral pleadings in the courts might be 
conducted in any of the three languages. The other 
decision concerned the Hebrew name of the country. 
The Jewish members of the Council objected to the 
Hebrew transliteration of the word "Palestine/ 3 on the 
ground that the traditional name was "Eretz Yisrael," 
but the Arab members would not agree to this designa- 
tion, which, in their view, had political significance. 
The High Commissioner therefore decided, as a com- 
promise, that the Hebrew transliteration should be used, 
foEowed always by the two initial letters of "Eretz 
Yisrael, 53 Alepk Yod, and this combination was always 
used on the coinage and stamps of Palestine and in all 
references m official documents. 



In both the Jewish and Moslem communities import- 
ant steps were taken in regard to their internal organisa- 
tion. The Jews had elected a provisional representative 
committee (Ha-Vaad Hazynani) soon after the liberation 
of Jerusalem, but it was not until a few months after the 
establishment of the Civil Administration that they were 
able to convene a Constituent Assembly, called Asefath 
Hanivharim, which elected a Vaad Leumi (National 
Council) as the official representation of Palestinian 
Jewry. A change was also made in the spiritual leader- 
ship. Hitherto there had been only one Chief Rabbi, 
chosen by the Sephardic section of the community; but 
now, owing to the growing importance of the Ash- 
kenazim, it was agreed that they too should have a 
Chief Rabbi. The two Chief Rabbis were assisted by six 
associate Rabbis, and they formed together a Rabbinical 


The appointment of a head of the Moslem community 
proved to be of concern also to the Jews, for the person 
elected became the ambitious leader of Palestinian Arab 
nationalism and the most aggressive enemy of Zionism. 
Early in 1921 the office of Mufti of Jerusalem fell vacant, 
and as the position of Mayor of Jerusalem was held by a 
member of the Nashashibi family, the Government 
thought it desirable that the vacancy should be filled by 
a representative of the rival family of Husseini. The 
candidate was Haj Amin el Husseini, a half-brother of 
the late Mufti, who had studied without distinction in 
Cairo, and fought as an artillery officer in the Turkish 
Army. After the British occupation of Palestine he in- 
dulged in anti-Zionist agitation, delivered an incendiary 
speech at the time of the Jerusalem riots in 1920, fled to 
Transjordan, and was sentenced to 10 years' imprison- 
ment in absentia; but on receiving an amnesty from the 
High Commissioner he returned to Jerusalem. This was 


the individual whom the Government caused to be 
elected Mufti of Jerusalem. 1 In the following year he was 
elected President of the Supreme Moslem Council, and 
thus acquired control over large charitable endowments 
and the Moslem religious courts, as well as the authority 
to appoint preachers in all the mosques in Palestine. He 
steadily consolidated his influence and wielded it for 
many years to sabotage the policy of the Mandate. 


The Jews did not then realise what a fanatical enemy 
of theirs had been placed in a position of power. They 
suffered the gravest disappointment from another event 
the detachment of the territory east of the Jordan from 
the land in which their National Home was to be estab- 
lished. Early in 1921, Abdullah, a son of Hussein, King 
of the Hedjaz, moved into Transjordan with a band of 
guerrilla Arabs, declaring that he intended to recover 
Syria, from which his brother Feisal had been ejected 
by the French in the previous year. The British Govern- 
ment therefore decided to placate Abdullah at the 
expense of the Jewish National Home. Palestine had been 
transferred from the care of the Foreign Office to that of 
the Colonial Office, and Mr. Winston Churchill, as 
Colonial Secretary, accompanied by T. E. Lawrence 
(the famous "Lawrence of Arabia 3 '), went to Cairo to 
deal with Transjordan and other affairs of the Near 
East. Sir Herbert Samuel also attended this conference 
in March, after which all three went to Jerusalem. 
Abdullah was then invited to meet Mr. Churchill, who 
told him that he would be recognised as Emir of Trans- 
Jordan on condition that he did not march against Syria, 
and that he would be provided with a British adviser and 
an annual subsidy from Britain. Abdullah promptly 
accepted, with the result that the articles of the Mandate 
relating to the Jewish National Home were declared to 

1 For the mode of the Mufti's election and his activities, see Report of Palestine 
Royal Gmnnssim, pp. 177-^81, and Maurice Pearlman's Mtjfti of Jerusalem. 


be inapplicable to Transjordan. It was officially ex- 
plained that this separation of Transjordan was in 
accordance with the terms of the McMahon pledge, but 
it is curious that this discovery was not made and 
revealed until it became necessary to appease an Arab 
chieftain. Thus was the land of the Jewish National 
Home reduced to one-third of Biblical Palestine. 1 


While he was in Jerusalem, Mr. Churchill received an 
Arab deputation, who demanded the abolition of the 
principle of the Jewish National Home, the stoppage 
of Jewish immigration, and the creation of a National 
Government. Mr. Churchill rejected these demands. He 
declared that it was right that the Jews should have a 
National Home, reminded the Arabs that they owed 
their liberation to British arms, and said that if the Jews 
succeeded their success would be of benefit to all people 
in the country. He also received a Jewish deputation, 
who stressed their desire to promote cordial relations 
with the Arab nation. But this desire was not recipro- 
cated. At the beginning of May, 1921, there were violent 
attacks by Arabs upon Jews in Jaffa and the neighbour- 
ing Jewish colonies, in which 48 Arabs and 47 Jews were 
killed, most of the Arab casualties being due to action 
by the British troops. The immediate result of this 
second outbreak of savagery was a temporary suspension 
of Jewish hopes. The Commission of Inquiry, under the 
chairmanship of the Chief Justice of Palestine, Sir 
Thomas Haycraft, which investigated the disorders, 
attributed them to a feeling among the Arabs of dis- 
content and hostility to the Jews, "due to political and 
economic causes, and connected with Jewish immigra- 
tion, and with their conception of Zionist policy." The 

1 In bis evidence before the Anglo- American Committe of Inquiry on European 
Jewry and Palestine, on January 3Oth, 1946, in London, Mr. L. S, Amery, who 
was Secretary to the Imperial War Cabinet in 1917, stated that at the time when 
the Cabinet decided to issue the Balfour Declaration they regarded Transjordan 
as being within Palestine. On March 22nd, 1946, the British Government signed a 
Treaty with Emir Abdullah recognising the independence of Transjordan. 


Arab ringleaders were fined, many of the culprits were 
sent to jail, and improvements were made in the main- 
tenance of law and order. 

In order to reassure the Arabs the High Commissioner 
addressed a meeting of leading citizens on June 3rd, 
1921, to explain that the policy of the Jewish National 
Home did not mean that Britain proposed to set up a 
Jewish government over an Arab majority. But the 
Arabs were not satisfied. They sent a delegation to 
London the first of several during the next 18 years 
for the purpose of conversations with the Colonial 
Office, and certain London newspapers encouraged their 
agitation. The Government rejected the Arab demands 
and offered to replace the Advisory Council by a Legisla- 
tive Council. The Arabs refused this proposal and also 
rejected the basis of the Mandate as far as it involved 
recognition of the Jewish National Home. Their agita- 
tion succeeded to such a degree that the question of 
abandoning the Mandate was discussed in both Houses 
of Parliament in the summer of 1922. The first debate was 
in the House of Lords, where, despite the eloquent 
advocacy of Lord Balfour, a motion was adopted to 
postpone acceptance of the Mandate: but fortunately 
this decision was of no practical effect. 


The Government thereupon published a document 
containing its correspondence with the Arab delegation 
and the Zionist Organisation, and a statement setting 
forth its policy. This document, which was issued under 
the authority of Mr. Churchill as Colonial Secretary, 
came to be known as the Churchill White Paper. It 
rejected the Arab demands for the abandonment of 
Britain's declared policy; but, on the other hand, it 
showed that the agitation of the Arabs and their friends 
had not been without effect. Its definition of British 
policy in Palestine was very far removed from the early 
glosses on the Balfour Declaration* It stressed the fact 


that this Declaration did not "contemplate that Pales- 
tine, as a whole, should be converted Into a Jewish 
National Home, but that such a Home should be 
founded in Palestine. 55 It said: 

"When it is asked what is meant by the development of the 
Jewish National Home in Palestine, it may be answered that it is 
not the imposition of a Jewish nationality upon the inhabitants of 
Palestine as a whole, but the further development of the existing 
Jewish community with the assistance of Jews in other parts of the 
world, in order that it may become a centre in which the Jewish 
people, as a whole, may take, on grounds of religion and race, an 
interest and a pride. But in order that this community should have 
the best prospect of free development and provide a full opportunity 
for the Jewish people to display its capacities, it is essential that it 
should know that it is in Palestine as of right and not on sufferance. 
That is the reason why it is necessary that the existence of a Jewish 
National Home in Palestine should be internationally guaranteed, 
and that it should be formally recognised to rest upon ancient 
historic connection. 3> 

For the fulfilment of this policy, the White Paper 
prescribed that Jewish immigration must continue, but 
"cannot be so great in volume as to exceed whatever may 
be the economic capacity of the country at the time to 
absorb new arrivals, 35 It also contained a formal assur- 
ance from the Zionist Organisation, which it was re- 
quested by the Government to give, that "it accepted the 
policy as set forth in the statement, and was prepared to 
conduct its own activities in conformity therewith* 5 * The 
Zionist Executive gave this assurance with great reluct- 
ance and under a feeling of duress, as they considered 
this interpretation of the Balfour Declaration to be an 
abridgment of the aspirations which they had believed 
the Jewish people would be allowed to achieve. Their 
views were strongly endorsed by Jews throughout the 
world, who assailed the White Paper with a barrage of 
indignant criticism. The Government, however, were 
glad to have the Organisation's reply, and in the 
debate in the House of Commons they defeated the 
opponents of their Palestinian policy by an overwhelm- 
ing majority. 



The White Paper and the parliamentary debates 
formed a prelude to the passing of the Mandate instru- 
ment by the Council of the League of Nations, which 
took place at a meeting in London on July 24th, 1922. 
The text of the Mandate was the result of three years 5 
discussion between the Government and the Zionist 
Organisation, during which various drafts were made, 
amended, and revised. In its final form, the Mandate, 
in a preamble, embodied the terms of the Balfour 
Declaration and stated that "recognition has thereby 
been given to the historical connection of the Jewish 
people with Palestine and to the grounds for recon- 
stituting their National Home in that country." 

The body of the Mandate consisted of 2 8 articles, of which 
the most important bearing upon the establishment of the 
Jewish National Home may be summarised as follows: 

Palestine is to be placed under such political, 
administrative, and economic conditions as will 
secure the establishment of the Jewish National Home 
and the development of self-governing institutions. 
The Zionist Organisation is to be recognised as a 
Jewish Agency for the purpose of advising and co- 
operating with the Administration in matters affecting 
the Jewish National Home, and is to take steps to 
secure the co-operation of all Jews who are willing to 
assist in its establishment. Jewish immigration, under 
suitable conditions, is to be facilitated, and close 
settlement by Jews on the land, "including State lands 
and waste lands not required for public purposes," is 
to be encouraged. A nationality law shall be enacted, 
including provisions to facilitate the acquisition of 
Palestinian citizenship by Jews who settle in the 
country permanently. English, Arabic, and Hebrew 
shall be the official languages of Palestine, and the 
holy days of the respective communities shall be 
recognised as legal days of rest for the members of 
such communities. 


Of all the passages in the text of the Mandate that had 
formed the subject of frequent discussion, the one in 
which the final change proved of most fateful significance 
was that in the middle part of Article 2. This article was 
originally composed as an amplification of the Balfbur 
Declaration, and the phrasing of the middle part, as 
provisionally agreed upon between the Zionist Organisa- 
tion and the Political Section of the British Peace 
Delegation at the beginning of 1919, was "secure the 
establishment of the Jewish National Home and the 
development of a self-governing Commonwealth. 5 ' It 
was obviously intended to mean that the Jewish National 
Home was to develop into a self-governing common- 
wealth, even though the term "commonwealth" was 
not qualified by the word "Jewish." 5 But over three years 
elapsed before the final text of the Mandate was fixed, 
and by then the promise held out concerning the ulti- 
mate status of the Jewish National Home was whittled 
down to "the development of self-governing institutions. 33 
This phrase was subsequently advanced in support of 
the Arab demand for an independent Palestine, to which 
the British Government gave way in the White Paper of 


On September i6th, 1922, the Council of the League, 
at the request of the British Government, passed a 
resolution stating that the provisions of the Mandate 
relating to the establishment of the Jewish National 
Home were not applicable to the territory known as 


After the ratification of the Mandate, the Palestine 
Administration made repeated attempts to secure the 
co-operati6n of the Arabs. In place of the old Advisory 
Council it proposed to set up a Legislative Council of 22 
members, the 12 non-official members to consist of eight 
Moslems, two Jews and two Christians. The Jews agreed 
to the scheme, but the great majority of the Arabs were 


opposed, so it had to be dropped. The Government 
then proposed to create a new Advisory Council with 
Moslem, Jewish, and Christian representatives; but owing 
to Arab opposition this scheme was also abandoned. 
Finally, the Government offered to establish an Arab 
Agency which should occupy a position analogous to that 
accorded to the Jewish Agency; but this proposal, too, 
was rejected by the Arabs. Consequently, the legislative, 
as well as the executive functions, had to be exercised 
entirely by the High Commissioner and officers of the 
Administration; but public criticism of the measures 
proposed could be made by representations after the 
publication of the Bills in the Government Gazette. 


The administration of Palestine as a mandated terri- 
tory was made subject to the scrutiny and approval of 
the Council of the League of Nations. The British 
Government was required to make an annual report to 
the Council as to the measures taken to carry out the 
provisions of the Mandate. The report was examined by 
the Permanent Mandates Commission, which first dealt 
with Palestine in 1924. From that year the British 
Government rendered an annual report on the steps that 
it took to carry out its obligations, and its representatives 
attended the meetings of the Mandates Commission in 
Geneva to give any verbal explanations necessary, and 
were often subjected to severe cross-examination. The 
Zionist Organisation (from 1930, the Jewish Agency) 
furnished the Mandates Commission with an annual 
report upon the development of the Jewish National 
Home, and the report was usually accompanied by a 
covering letter from the President, containing observations 
on any matters to which he found it necessary to direct 


The close interest taken by both the people and the 
Government of the United States in the fortunes of the 


Holy Land found public and official expression. In 
September, 1922, the American Congress passed a joint 
resolution of the Senate and the House of Representa- 
tives in favour of the establishment of the Jewish National 
Home* Although not a party to the grant of the Mandate, 
the United States gave formal assent to the administra- 
tion of Palestine by Great Britain in a Convention with 
the British Government, which was ratified in 1925. 
This instrument provided for the application to Ameri- 
can subjects of the rights accorded to other foreigners 
in the mandated territory, and also permitted them 
freely to establish and maintain their educational, 
philanthropic, and religious institutions. 


The most notable event in Sir Herbert Samuel's last 
year of office was the inauguration of the Hebrew 
University by Lord Balfour on April ist, 1925. The 
impressive open-air ceremony was witnessed by an 
assembly of 7,000 people, and was attended by a large 
number of distinguished scholars and scientists represent- 
ing many leading universities in different parts of the 
globe. After the conclusion of the ceremony, which sent 
a thrill throughout the Jewish world, Lord Balfour 
visited the principal cities and made a journey through 
the Jewish agricultural settlements of the coastal plain, 
the Valley of Esdraelon, and the district of Galilee. He 
delivered several striking addresses and was everywhere 
acclaimed with joyous enthusiasm by the settlers, 
especially at Balfouria, the village founded in his name 
by an American Jewish corporation. 


When Sir Herbert Samuel terminated his period of 
office at the end of June, 1925, he issued a report on his 
five years' administration, in which he gave a survey of 
the progress that had taken place. This progress was 


largely in the economic field, though many improve- 
ments in other directions had also taken place. The 
Jewish population had doubled from 55,000 at the end 
of 1918 to 103,000, mainly by immigration, and the 
area of agricultural land owned by Jews had likewise 
been doubled. Urban developments had also been 
striking, for the Jews in Tel Aviv had increased from 
2,000 to 30,000, and those in Haifa from 2,000 to 8,000. 
Of great benefit to the country in general had been the 
supply of electric power by Pinhas Rutenberg, a Russo- 
Jewish electrical engineer, who had been granted two 
concessions, one for utilising the waters of the River Auja 
near Jaffa, and the other for harnessing the waters of the 
upper Jordan and its tributary, the Yarmuk. The first 
power station had been constructed at Tel Aviv and the 
first hydro-electric power station was soon to be erected. 
These undertakings brought about a veritable trans- 
formation in the ancient land, not only by facilitating 
the expansion of industry, but also by supplying the 
amenities necessary for social comfort and general 

The Zionist Executive, in paying a tribute to the first 
High Commissioner, referred to "occasional differences 
of opinion between them on various practical questions 
relative to the establishment of the Jewish National 
Home." Perhaps the most serious was in connection with 
the article of the Mandate that required the Administra- 
tion to "encourage . . . close settlement by Jews on the 
land, including State lands and waste lands not required 
for public purposes. 53 There was a large area (over 
100,000 acres) of such State lands between the southern 
end of the Sea of Galilee and Beisan, a considerable part 
of which might have been made available for Jewish 
settlement. But it was allotted in such generous measure 
to a number of Arabs who were squatters on a part of 
it, that there was no land left. This caused profound 
disappointment to the Jews, who were by no means 
silent about their justified grievance. Their only con- 
solation was that they were able to buy some of this 


land, though at enhanced prices, as the Arabs had been 
given more than they needed and were unable to pay 
the requisite fees. But despite the differences due to 
this and other matters, the Zionist Executive placed on 
record their deep appreciation of the courtesy and 
sympathetic consideration that Sir Herbert Samuel had 
always shown them, and of "Ms unflagging devotion to 
the welfare of Palestine and its people." 


The appointment of Field-Marshal Lord Plumer as 
the next High Commissioner caused a certain disillusion- 
ment among the Jews, as many of them had believed 
that the position would again be given to one of their 
own people. It produced a temporary elation among the 
Arabs, who thought that it signified a change of policy 
in their interest. But both soon revised their views: the 
Arabs, when they found that there was to beno change, and 
the Jews, when they began to experience the sympathy, 
concern, and sense of justice that Lord Plumer invariably 
applied to all his tasks. He certainly inspired the Arabs 
with a healthy respect for his authority. His term of 
office was marked by a number of legislative measures 
and administrative changes. The Citizenship Order-in- 
Gouncil enacted that any person could acquire citizen- 
ship who had lived in the country for two years, had a 
knowledge of one of the official languages, and intended 
to remain there permanently, but Jews were not com- 
pelled to avail themselves of this law. As a logical 
development, a law for municipal elections was made in 

1926, which prescribed that only Palestinian citizens 
could vote or be elected, subject to their paying a certain 
amount of Government land-tax or municipal rates. The 
first elections for municipal councils were held early in 

1927, and from that time the Government exercised 
financial supervision to prevent municipal bodies falling 
into debt. 

Impressed by the tranquillity of the country, which 


was mainly due to his own presence. Lord Plumer 
reorganised the forces of security on a simpler and 
smaller scale. He was also prompted by the wish to 
relieve the British taxpayer of the greater part of the 
small contribution that Britain still made to the cost of 
defence in Palestine. The Palestinian Police was recon- 
structed as the sole Civil Force, the Gendarmerie was 
disbanded, and a regular military force, called the 
Transjordan Frontier Force, was created for service 
along the eastern frontiers. This reduction of the forces, 
although welcomed as a good sign, was a serious mistake, 
as was proved by the troubles in 1929. 


The interests of the agricultural population were 
furthered, both by the steady development of agricultural 
productivity and by enacting a law for the protection of 
agricultural tenants. Previously such tenants had been 
liable to be turned out at any time, but the new ordin- 
ance required that they should be given a full year's 
notice before they could be removed from the land; and 
if they were removed they might secure compensation 
for improvements, and, in the case of long terms, 
additional compensation for eviction. Both Jews and 
Arabs benefited by a bequest of 100,000 from Sir Ellis 
Kadoorie, a Jewish philanthropist of Hong Kong, as 
the money was devoted in equal parts to the establishment 
of an agricultural school for each of them. Lord Plumer 
showed concern for the social and economic welfare of 
the population in many ways by issuing ordinances for 
giving workmen compensation for accidents, and for the 
protection of women and children in industry, by order- 
ing public works for the relief of unemployment, and by 
providing aid for the sufferers from the earthquakes in 
1927. The country quickly recovered from the disasters, 
and it was a sign of economic progress that the first 
Palestine Loan, amounting to 5^4,500,000, was; floated 
iik the foBowiii,g 


Throughout Lord Plumer's adimnistration, which 
lasted three years, the Arabs showed commendable 
restraint and indulged in little concerted political action. 
But in the summer of 1928, after holding a Palestinian 
Arab Congress, the Arab Executive handed the retiring 
High Commissioner a memorandum embodying the 
unanimous resolution of the Congress, demanding the 
establishment of parliamentary government in Palestine, 
He took only formal note of this demand, which was 
repeated at intervals and with increasing insistence 
during the following decade. 




Now that we have traced the principal political 
events in connection with Palestine during the first 
eight years of its civil administration, we can proceed to 
describe the efforts made for the establishment of the 
Jewish National Home. The Mandate required that the 
Mandatory should place Palestine under such conditions 
as would secure that objective, but the actual work 
necessary to achieve it had to be provided by the Jewish 
people* To this task the Zionist Organisation devoted 
itself with all its energies and resources, on a constantly 
increasing scale, and with the material aid furnished by 
supporters in all parts of the world. The work was 
carried out primarily under the guidance and direction 
of the Palestine Zionist Executive (merged from 1929 
into the Executive of the Jewish Agency) by means of 
an elaborate administrative apparatus. This consisted of 
separate departments for political affairs, immigration, 
labour, agricultural colonisation, trade and industry, 
and other matters. There were also departments for 
education and public health until 1932, when these 
services were transferred to the jurisdiction of the Vaad 
Leumi. Members of the Executive, in accordance with 
Article 4 of the Mandate, had consultations from time 
to time with the High Commissioner and other high 
officials of the Palestine Administration on current 
questions of importance; and there was always a regular 
interchange of correspondence between the Executive in 
Jerusalem and their colleagues in London, in addition 
to the exchange of visits from one city to the other, in 
order to secure co-ordination of policy and harmonious 
co-operation in all activities. 


The two basic factors in the creation of the Jewish 
National Home were immigration and land. Article 6 of 
the Mandate required that the Administration shall 
"facilitate Jewish immigration under suitable condi- 
tions' 3 and also "encourage . . . close settlement by Jews 
on the land, including State lands and waste lands not 
required for public purposes." The Administration 
interpreted the former obligation by enacting various 
ordinances from time to time for the strict regulation of 
immigration in accordance with what it deemed to be 
the economic requirements of the country. As for the 
land factor, the total cultivable area of State domain 
that it gave to the Jews, during a period of twenty-five 
years, was only 17,450 dunams 1 (or 4,350 acres), and 
this land could not be used for close settlement, as it 
consisted of small and scattered tracts. In glaring contrast 
to this was the area of 100,000 acres given to the Arabs. 
All land had, therefore, to be bought by the Jewish 
National Fund. 


The regulation of immigration by the Palestine 
Government underwent various changes from time to 
time, but was always marked by bureaucratic severity. 
The first Immigration Ordanance, issued in September, 
1920, authorised the Zionist Organisation to introduce 
16,500 immigrants per annum, on condition that it was 
responsible for their maintenance for one year. About 
10,000 Jews were admitted in the first twelve months, 
but as the ordinance was found unsatisfactory, new 
regulations were issued the following year for the ad- 
mission of a number of categories, the principal ones 
being persons of independent means, professional men, 
persons with definite prospects of employment, persons 
of religious occupation, and small tradesmen and 
artisans. After the publication of the Churchill White 
Paper, which laid down the rule that immigration must 

1 4. diuiams = i acre. 


not exceed the economic capacity of the country to 
absorb new arrivals, the Government granted permits 
to groups of artisans and labourers selected by the various 
Palestine Offices. At first the number of such permits or 
certificates was fixed every three months, but from 1925 
it was fixed every six months. From 1927 until the out- 
break of war the admission was mainly according to the 
following categories: 

A. (i) Persons with not less than 1,000 and their 


(ii) Professional men with not less than 500. 
(iii) Skilled artisans with not less than 250. 
(iv) Persons with an assured income of 4 per 


B. (i) Orphans destined for institutions in Palestine, 
(ii) Persons of religious occupation whose main- 
tenance was assured. 

(iii) Students whose maintenance was assured. 

C. Persons who had a definite prospect of employ- 


D. Dependent relatives of residents in Palestine who 

were in a position to maintain them. 

The regulations regarding professional men and skilled 
artisans were always applied with particular rigour and 
occasionally suspended for varying periods. But the most 
frequent and serious differences between the Govern- 
ment and the Zionist Executive were in regard to the 
workers with a definite prospect of employment, foi 
whom a schedule was prepared every six months. No 
matter how detailed the estimates drawn up by the 
Executive, no matter how carefully compiled and 
factually justified, according to branches of labour and 
different localities, they were generally and drastically 
reduced by the Government. Its niggardly policy ofter 
produced a shortage of Jewish labour, which seriousl) 
hampered economic development and caused a drif 
of workers from rural settlements to the towns in searcl: 
of better-paid employment. 


The immigrants were drawn from all parts of the 
world. They came mainly from Eastern and Central 
Europe, but also from lands as varied and as remote 
from one another as Siberia and South Africa, Argentina 
and Persia, England and the United States. In the so- 
called third Aliy ah (wave of immigration) of 1920-2, 
the younger element predominated. Soon after the First 
World War societies of Halutzim (pioneers) sprang up in 
Eastern and Central Europe for the purpose of giving 
their members, young men and women, a training in 
agriculture or in some manual craft and a knowledge of 
Hebrew. Many were university students, who broke off 
their academic career in order to engage in the laborious 
toil of rebuilding their ancestral land; and all were 
medically examined before receiving immigration per- 
mits from the local Palestine Office. Upon their arrival 
in Palestine, the newcomers were welcomed by officials 
of the Zionist Immigration Department, looked after in 
hostels, and then directed to an agricultural settlement 
or found employment in their respective trades. 


The number of Jewish immigrants rose steadily from 
7,000 in 1920 to nearly 13,000 in 1924, when the Fourth 
Aliyah began, containing a large proportion of persons 
from Poland, some with capital. This influx gave a strong 
impetus to the economic development of Palestine, 
caused land values to rise, and resulted in extensive 
building activity, particularly in Tel Aviv. But after 
reaching the record total of nearly 34,000 in 1925, not 
only did the number of immigrants sink to 13,000 in 
1926, but more than half of that number left the country. 
In 1927 there was a further and more serious decline of 
immigration to 2,700, while the volume of emigration 
was nearly twice that number; but in 1928 there was 
some improvement, as, although there were only a little 


over 2,000 new arrivals-, the number of departures was 
about the same. The decline of immigration in the years 
1926 to 1928 was due to a labour depression brought 
about by a variety of causes, the chief of which were delays 
in the arrival of new settlers and the economic crisis in 
Poland. Unfortunately the certificates under the labour 
schedule were not issued in time to enable the recipients 
to reach Palestine for the beginning of the working 
season, and so many of them fell a burden upon the 
labour market. On the other hand, those who had come 
from Poland with some money and engaged in the 
building industry were hit by the economic crisis in 
Poland and found themselves short of the additional 
capital necessary for the completion of their under- 
takings. The result was extensive unemployment, which 
caused the Zionist Executive the very gravest concern. 
It was first relieved by the payment of "doles' * by the 
Executive, and afterwards by the promotion of public 
works by the Government, various municipalities, and 
the Executive itself. Not until the spring of 1928 did the 
economic position improve and the "dole" system 


The interests of the Jewish workers were looked after 
mainly by the Labour Department of the Zionist (or 
Jewish Agency) Executive and the Histadruth Ha-Ovedim 
(General Federation of Jewish Labour), usually called 
the Histadruth.' 1 The Labour Department found employ- 
ment for the workers in their respective trades, organised 
industrial training, provided loans for house-building, 
watched over labour legislation, subsidised labour 
exchanges, and took the initiative in settling strikes. The 
Hi$tadruth, founded in 1920, comprises not only a 
number of trade unions, the most important being those 
of the agricultural and building workers, but also a very 
large number of co-operative settlements, several co- 
operative societies, a workers' sick benefit fund (Kupath 

1 At the end of 1950 the total membership of the Histadruth was 31 1,000. 


Holirri), a youth organisation, a travelling theatre (Ha- 
OM), and a sports association (Ha-Poel). Its principal 
co-operatives are a central wholesale consumers 5 society, 
a central marketing co-operative, a building co-opera- 
tive, and a contracting society for agricultural work. It 
also has a bank of its own, besides a chain of loan and 
saving societies, a Labour Fund, an insurance society, an 
immigration bureau, labour exchanges, and a special 
committee to look after Labour schools. Moreover, it has 
tried to foster co-operation between Jewish and Arab 
workers by helping to create Arab unions as well as joint 
unions in undertakings where Jews and Arabs worked 


The branch of labour to which Jewish workers have 
primarily devoted themselves is agriculture, since culti- 
vation of the soil was from the very beginning regarded 
as a fundamental basis of the National Home. The two 
leading agencies for the establishment of agricultural 
settlements were the Zionist Organisation (or Jewish 
Agency) and the P.I. C.A. (Palestine Jewish Colonisation 
Association), a company formed in 1925 to administer 
the estates of the I.C.A. 1 in Palestine, mainly those 
previously founded by Baron Edmond de Rothschild. 
The Zionist settlements are distributed over various parts 
of the country, the most important district being the 
Valley of Jezreel, commonly called the Emek (Valley), 
which extends from the foot of Mount Carmel to the 
hills of Lower Galilee. They went in largely for mixed 
farming, which included not only the growing of crops 
and vegetables, dairy farming, poultry beeeding, and 
cattle rearing, but also fruit plantations. By far the 
most extensive development took place in the cultiva- 
tion of citrus fruit (oranges, lemons, and grape fruit), 
which soon provided the country's most important 

* See page 43. 



There were at first three main types of rural settlement 
the Moshava or "colony/' the communal or collective 
settlement,, and the smallholders 3 settlement. The dis- 
tinguishing feature of the "colonies," which were largely 
the foundations of Baron Edmond de Rothschild, is 
that the land is the private property of the settlers. The 
result of this system, based on the pursuit of profit, was 
the growth of social disparities in the village community, 
which were out of harmony with the idealism that had 
originally inspired its founders. A radical change was 
brought about by the Zionist Organisation and the 
Jewish National Fund, for the Jews whom they settled 
on the soil were primarily actuated by the desire that the 
land should remain permanently in Jewish possession, 
and they considered it essential to this end that it should 
always be cultivated by Jewish labour. They formed 
groups whose members all belonged to the Histadruth, 
and each group was allotted by the J.N.F., on a 49 years' 
lease and at a very moderate rental, only as much land 
as it could cultivate itself. The settlement was based on 
four cardinal principles: (i) Jewish national ownership 
of the soil; (2) "self-labour/ 3 which meant the rigorous 
exclusion of hired labour; (3) mutual assistance; and 
(4) co-operative buying and selling. These settlements, 
many of which were provided by the Keren Hayesod 
with the money for their buildings, cattle, and general 
farming equipment, consisted at first of two main types 
the Kvutzah, or collective settlement, and the Moshav 
Ovedim^ or workers' smallholders' settlement. 


The Kvutzah is the collective property of the group and 
is conducted on strictly co-operative principles. All its 
members share alike in both the work and its proceeds, 
but receive no wages. They eat in a communal hall, 
obtain their clothing from the communal store, and 


receive a limited weekly allowance for such amenities as 
cigarettes or a visit to the nearest cinema. Whatever 
profits are made go into the common treasury for the 
improvement of the settlement. Only those able to 
discipline themselves, to deny themselves privacy and 
personal convenience, can live amicably in such a form 
of society. For those who cannot adjust themselves to this 
rigid regime, the Moshav Ovedim was devised, combining 
the advantages of the colony with those of the co- 
operative settlement. Here the settlers have each a small- 
holding, just large enough to be worked by one family; 
they have each a cottage and farm and enjoy the privacy 
of family life; and, as in the other settlements, they 
practise the principles of c "self-labour, 3 * mutual assist- 
ance, and the joint purchase of requirements and sale of 
produce. 1 


The Jewish National Fund not only bought land for 
agricultural development, but improved the soil where- 
ever necessary by draining swamps, regulating streams 
and water-courses, clearing the ground of stones and 
weeds, and building roads. It planted hundreds of 
thousands of trees in once-wooded areas that had been 
denuded; and it bought urban and suburban land for 
residential quarters, as well as large plots for public 
institutions. The Keren Hayesod co-operated with the 
J.N.F. in agricultural colonisation by providing the 
money for everything besides land needed for the settle- 
ments. But its sphere was very much larger, as it not only 
furnished the finance for all the varied activities social 
and economic, political and cultural of the Zionist 
Executive, but also participated in important enter- 
prises, such as Rutenberg's electrification scheme and the 
extraction of the mineral deposits of the Dead Sea. 

1 Later types of settlement are described in Chapter XII. 3 p. 172. 



There was also a considerable development in the 
urban districts. The Jewish population rapidly increased 
in the principal cities, giving a vigorous stimulus to the 
building industry. The most striking expansion occurred 
in Tel Aviv, where the population grew from 2,000 in 
1914 to 40,000 in 1929. Before the British occupation 
the only industries in Palestine consisted of the manu- 
facture of wine, soap, and olive-wood articles; but the 
Jews wrought a remarkable transformation by intro- 
ducing numerous trades previously unknown in the 
country. Factories, mills, and workshops multiplied 
enormously. A census of Jewish industries taken in 1926 
showed that there were 558 establishments employing 
nearly 6,000 persons, comprising the following eight 
main categories: building materials, textiles, leather, 
wood, chemicals, paper, metals, and foodstuffs. There 
were also other products that could not be classified 
within these categories, such as cigarettes, umbrellas, 
and artificial teeth. The factory for artificial teeth, 
established by an American Jew in Tel Aviv, was a 
notable instance of an enterprise based upon imported 
materials, and the good quality of its products was 
proved by the fact that they were exported mainly to 
England. By the year 1930 there were over 2,000 Jewish 
urban enterprises, employing nearly 10,000 persons, and 
manufacturing goods worth over 1,600,000 a year. 

An important part in the development of these in- 
dustries was played by the Palestine Electric Corpora- 
tion, which operated the concessions granted to Pinhas 
Rutenberg for the production of electric power from the 
Jordan and the Auja. Other leading enterprises were 
cement works, a factory for oils and soap, and large 
flour mills, all situated at Haifa. The wine trade pro- 
duced in 1929 about 30 million litres of wines and spirits 
worth 80,000. All these industries gave an incentive to 
the motor transport trade in the form of buses and lorries, 
which was largely promoted by Jewish enterprise. 



The industrial advancement of the country was 
reflected in the expansion of commerce and the growth of 
trade relations with other countries. The Jewish banks 
actively co-operated in these developments. A number of 
English Jews, in 1921, created the Economic Board for 
Palestine, under the chairmanship of the first Lord 
Melchett/ for the promotion of commerce and industry, 
and a similar body was formed a few years later by some 
American Jews under the name of the Palestine Eco- 
nomic Corporation. The interests of workshops on a 
co-operative basis were effectively looked after by the 
Central Bank of Co-operative Institutions and the 
Workers 3 Bank. 


Great as was the progress made in all fields of economic 
activity, it was paralleled by the achievements in the 
spheres of education and health. The Zionist Executive 
took over the maintenance of the Hebrew schools in 
Palestine (forming about 80 per cent, of all the Jewish 
schools) as naturally as the Government took under its 
care the Arab schools, for the Hebrew schools constituted 
the fundamental cultural basis of Jewish national life. 
They played no small part in the Hebraisation of the 
parents and of the Jewish population in general. By the 
year 1928 the Zionist educational net- work embraced 
over 220 schools, with nearly 20,000 pupils, and had an 
expenditure of 120,000, towards which the Govern- 
ment gave a grant of 20,000. The Keren Hayesod 
contributed 70,000, and the balance was provided by 
the rishm* and the P.LC.A. 

The Zionist educational system comprises all grades 

1 Lord Melchett (1868-1930), formerly Sir Alfred M. Mond, Bart., Member of 
House of Commons (1906-28), member of British Government (1916-22), and 
first Chairman of Imperial Chemical Industries, Ltd. 

2 Collective term meaning literally "settlement/* used for the Jewish population 
of Palestine or Israel. 


kindergarten, elementary, and secondary schools, as well 
as schools and teachers' seminaries. Owing to 

ideological differences, there are three kinds of schools 
general, Mizrachi, and Labour, a system that has been 
subjected to much criticism, but for the simplification of 
which no proposal has yet proved acceptable. In the 
general schools there is instruction in the Bible and 
prayer-book, while the question of religious observance 
Is left to the parents; but in the Mizrachi schools religious 
observance is taught by the teachers and the curriculum 
Includes purely religious subjects, like the Talmud. The 
schools In the Labour settlements also have their own 
curriculum, as the parents wish their children to be 
brought up in their own ideology. 


Technical training of an advanced character is pro- 
vided at the Haifa Technical Institute, which now 
comprises a College of Technology, a Technical High 
School, and a Nautical School. The crowning feature of 
the edifice of Jewish education is the Hebrew University, 
which was originally conceived as a centre of research 
and post-graduate study but became a teaching in- 
stitution a few years after it was opened. Its first faculty 
comprised Institutes of Jewish and Oriental Studies and 
held general courses in philosophy, but gradually there 
were added faculties of humanities, mathematics, science 
and medicine, until the University became the most 
notable academic centre throughout the Near and 
Middle East. Not only its students but the general public 
made the fullest use of the Jewish National and Univer- 
sity Library, which, by the year 1929, already had 
250,000 volumes. 


In the interests of the physical welfare of the Jewish 
population, the Zionist Executive set up a Health 


Council (Vaad Habriuth] for the purpose of co-ordinating 
and supervising all Jewish institutions and organisations 
concerned with health work and co-operating with the 
Public "Health Department of the Government. The 
Hadassah Medical Organisation and the Kupath Holim 
were the bodies mainly responsible for the Jewish Health 
Service, to which the Government made a small grant. 
The Hadassah Organisation, which was founded and 
supported by Hadassah, the Women's Zionist Organisa- 
tion of America, began its activity in Palestine in 1918. 
It established and maintained a number of hospitals, 
clinics, and laboratories in the principal Jewish centres, as 
well as a nurses' training school in Jerusalem; and it also 
organised an excellent maternity and child hygiene 
service in most of the large cities and in a number of the 
bigger villages. 

The Kupath Holim, the Sick Benefit Society of the 
Jewish Labour Federation, had its own hospitals, out- 
patient departments, and convalescent homes, whose 
cost was covered chiefly by membership dues and partly 
by contributions from employers and grants from the 
Zionist Executive and the Hadassah. Thanks to the 
systematic efforts of the Hadassah and the Kupath Holim 
the prevalence of such diseases as tuberculosis, malaria, 
trachoma, and typhoid, which previously had sorely tried 
the Jewish (and still more the Arab) population, was 
very considerably reduced and health conditions were 
greatly improved. 

Such then were the results of the efforts and activities 
of the Jews who returned to the home of their ancestors 
from the widely scattered lands of the Galuth (diaspora) 
during the first 10 years of the British occupation. Such 
were the main features of the Jewish National Home as 
planned and developed under the direction or with the 
aid and advice of the Zionist Executive. The progress 
achieved was impressive; but it would have been far 
greater if the Palestine Administration had been more 
actively helpful and if the prosperous Jews outside 
Palestine had co-operated more generously. But the 


foundations of the National Home were now well and 
truly laid, as was proved in the coming years of strife and 
stress ? of assault and bloodshed, which so sorely tried 
the struggling Tishuv, but left it materially unshaken and 

spiritually Invigorated. 




E Zionist movement passed through a very 
JL agitated period during the ten years from 1929 until 
the outbreak of war. It was a decade that was ushered 
in by the third Arab assault upon the Jewish National 
Home and closed with a three-year Arab rebellion. It 
was a period punctuated by frequent visits to Palestine 
from enquiry commissions, one even exalted by the title 
of "Royal," and all of them bent upon seeking the causes 
of the recurring disorders, but failing to find any effective 
remedy. It was the period in which, at one stage> there 
was held out the promise of an independent Jewish State, 
only to be succeeded shortly afterwards by the threat of 
the creation of an Arab State, in which the Jews would 
be doomed to be a permanent and helpless minority. 
It was also a period in which there were serious internal 
differences and a secession. The prelude to this memor- 
able decade was the consolidation of the Zionist move- 
ment by the extension of the Jewish Agency; its epilogue 
was provided by the chaos and carnage of the Second 
World War. 


It was not long after the issue of the Balfour Declara- 
tion that it was realised in responsible Zionist circles that 
the establishment of the Jewish National Home would 
prove too formidable a task for the unaided efforts of the 
Zionist Organisation, and that it would be necessary to 
obtain the active co-operation, on as large a scale as 
possible, of Jews who remained outside the Organisation. 
Apart from the material reasons for enlisting the co- 
operation of non-Zionists, there was also the injunction 


contained In Article 4 of the Mandate. This Article 
stated that "an appropriate Jewish Agency shall ^be 
recognised as a public body for the purpose of advising 
and co-operating with the Administration of Palestine 
in such economic,, social, and other matters as may affect 
the establishment of the Jewish National Home and the 
interests of the Jewish population in Palestine." It 
expressly recognised the Zionist Organisation as such 
agency and required that the Organisation "shall take 
steps, in consultation with His Britannic Majesty's 
Government, to secure the co-operation of all Jews who 
are willing to assist in the establishment of the Jewish 
National Home." 

The question whether this co-operation should be 
sought, and, if sought, how it should be organised and 
maintained, formed the subject of the keenest controversy 
for six years. It constituted one of the main features of 
the four Zionist Congresses held between 1923 and 1929, 
until agreement was eventually achieved. The most 
energetic and determined advocate of the extension of 
the Jewish Agency by the inclusion of representatives of 
non-Zionist Jewry was Dr. Weizmann. Between 1924 
and 1927 he visited the United States for the purpose a 
number of times and addressed Jewish conferences under 
the chairmanship of Mr. Louis Marshall, 1 President of the 
American Jewish Committee and the recognised leader 
of American Jewry. For the Jews in the United States 
were able to make a far more substantial contribution to 
the development of Palestine than those of any other 
country, and it was therefore essential to gain their 
adhesion before enlisting that of other communities. 


Within the Zionist ranks bitter opposition to seeking 
tHs adhesion was waged primarily by two parties that 
now emerged. The first was the Radical Party, headed by 
Isaac Gruenbaum, a leader of Polish Jewry and a 

* Bom at Syracuse, IMteci States, 1856, died at Zurich, 1929. 


member of the Polish Parliament. The Radicals, who 
first appeared at the Congress of 1923, insisted that the 
enlarged Jewish Agency should be based on the results 
of democratic elections, as they feared that a body 
containing selected representatives, or "notables/ 5 as 
they sarcastically called them, would ignore the prin- 
ciples of Zionism. They were joined at the Congress of 
1925 by the new party of Revisionists created by 
Vladimir Jabotinsky. This party was so called because its 
founder advocated a "revision" of Zionist policy in the 
sense of a return to HerzPs original conception of a 
Jewish State. Jabotinsky contended that the direction 
of Zionist policy could be entrusted only to Jews with 
strong nationalist convictions, and that it would be 
prejudicial to Zionist ideals to allow "assimilationist 
notables" to take part in exercising the rights of the 
Jewish Agency. Despite this joint opposition (reinforced 
by a group of General Zionists) the Congress of 1925 
decided in favour of the establishment of a Council of 
the Jewish Agency consisting of an equal number of 
Zionists and non-Zionists, provided that the activities 
of the Agency were conducted on the following c in- 
violable principles 55 namely, a continuous increase in 
the volume of Jewish immigration, the redemption of the 
land as Jewish public property, agricultural colonisation 
based on Jewish labour, and the Hebrew language and 
Hebrew culture. It was also laid down that the Jewish 
community of the United States should provide 40 per 
cent, of the non-Zionist section, and that the President 
of the Zionist Organisation should be the President of 
the enlarged Agency. 


Early in 1927 Dr. Weizmann and Mr. Marshall signed 
an agreement for extending the Jewish Agency in accord- 
ance with the terms of the Palestine Mandate and along 
the general lines of the Congress resolutions. The Agree- 
ment also provided for setting up a Joint Palestine 


Survey Commission for the purpose of investigating the 
economic resources and possibilities of Palestine and 
framing a long-term programme of constructive work. 
This Commission, which consisted of the first Lord 
Melchett, Dr. Lee K. Frankel and Mr. Felix Warburg, 
of New York, and Mr. Oscar Wassermann, a Berlin 
banker., was assisted by a distinguished group of technical 
experts, and after concluding their work in Palestine they 
Issued, In 1928, a voluminous report with important 
practical recommendations. At length, after six years of 
discussion and negotiations the Sixteenth Congress, held 
at Zurich in 1929, decided by an overwhelming majority 
in favour of enlarging the Jewish Agency. In addition 
to the conditions previously adopted, it was agreed that all 
lands acquired with money of the Jewish Agency should 
be the property of the Jewish people and subject to all 
the principles of the Jewish National Fund, that settlers 
should have the right to choose their form of settlement, 
and that the principle of Jewish labour must be safe- 
guarded In all undertakings furthered by the Jewish 


The Congress was immediately followed by the con- 
stituent meeting of the Council of the enlarged Jewish 
Agency. The various communities, on both sides of the 
Atlantic, that had agreed to participate were represented 
by 100 non-Zionist members of the Council, and there 
was an equal number of Zionist members elected the 
previous day by the Congress. It was a gathering of 
unique significance and a demonstration of Jewish 
solidarity far more impressive than the First Zionist 
Congress held 32 years before. Side by side with Dr. 
Wdzmann, who presided over the proceedings, and his 
veteran colleagues, Sokolow and Ussishkin, sat eminent 
personalities like Sir Herbert Samuel, Professor Albert 
Einstein, Leon Blum, the French statesman, and Lord 
Mdchett, the leader of British industry. In addition to 


the Council of 200 members, the Constitution provided 
for an Administrative Committee of 40, and a small 
Executive, each body to be composed of an equal 
number of Zionists and non-Zionists. The Council, 
corresponding to the Congress, was to meet once in two 
years, and the Administrative Committee, corresponding 
to the Zionist General Council, was to meet (as far as 
circumstances permitted) once in six months. Dr. Weiz- 
mann was elected President of the Jewish Agency, Mr. 
Louis Marshall was elected Chairman and Lord Melchett 
Associate-Chairman of the Council, and Mr, Felix 
Warburg Chairman of the Administrative Committee. 
The Keren Hayesod was declared to be the main 
financial instrument of tbe Agency for covering the 
budget, and the organisation and status of the Jewish 
National Fund and its relations with the Zionist Organ- 
isation were left intact. 

The assumption by the Jewish Agency of the principal 
activities connected with the establishment of the Jewish 
National Home did not, in practice, appreciably dimin- 
ish the sphere or volume of activity of the Zionist 
Organisation, as the major part of the burden continued 
to rest upon it, and it continued to devote itself to 
Zionist propaganda, the furtherance of Hebrew culture, 
and the raising of funds. Having yielded its rights under 
the Mandate to the reconstituted Jewish Agency, the 
Zionist Organisation addressed an inquiry to the 
Colonial Office to ascertain whether, in the event of a 
dissolution of the partnership, it could recover those 
rights. After the lapse of twelve months, owing to a 
sequence of disasters, there came a reply that, in the case 
of such dissolution, the British Government would, 
provided that its organisation and constitution were at 
that time appropriate, again recognise the Zionist 
Organisation as the Jewish Agency for the purpose of 
Article 4 of the Mandate. 



The sense of joy felt throughout the Jewish world at 
the union of non-Zionists with Zionists in the task of 
restoring the ancient homeland was soon overclouded by 
tidings of a catastrophe in the land itself. Little more 
than a week after the memorable assembly in Zurich was 
over, a fresh outburst of Arab brutality against the Jews 
took place. It lasted longer and was much more serious 
in its consequences than the attacks of 1920 and 1921, for 
the victims that it claimed were 133 Jews killed (over 60 
in Hebron alone) and 339 wounded. This outrage was 
not a sudden or spontaneous outburst, but the result of 
premeditated action, preceded by agitation that had 
been simmering for twelve months. The incentive came 
from an incident in connection with the Day of Atone- 
ment service at the Western Wall in 1928. A temporary 
screen that had been placed against the Wall to divide 
the male from the female worshippers, in accordance 
with strict orthodox practice, was forcibly removed 
during the service by a British police officer, because of a 
complaint from the guardian of the Wdkf (Moslem 
charitable endowment) that the screen constituted a 
violation of the Moslem rights of property. The conse- 
quence of this incident, which aroused a storm of protest 
throughout the Jewish world, was that the Moslem 
authorities felt emboldened to make various structural 
alterations quite near the Western Wall, which was part 
of the exterior of the Haram al-Sherif, the sacred area 
containing the Dome of the Rock and the Mosque of 
El Aksa, These alterations, together with the holding of 
a cacophonous ceremony in an adjoining room, made it 
almost impossible for the Jewish worshippers to engage 
in their devotions. 

The Jews petitioned the Government in Jerusalem and 
in London, with the result that a White Paper was 
issued, stating that the Jewish community had the right 
of access to the Western WaU for prayer, but could bring 
to it "only those appurtenances of worship which were 


permitted under the Turkish regime." No definition, 
however, was given of these appurtenances. The Govern- 
ment stopped the Moslem nuisance near the Wailing 
Wall for a short time, but the Arabs began an inflam- 
matory propaganda, in which they accused the Jews of 
designs upon the Mosque of Omar itself. The agitation 
was conducted by a "Society for the Protection of the 
Moslem Holy Places," which was founded and con- 
trolled by the Mufti and the Arab Executive in general. 
The object of the Mufti was to mobilise on a religious 
issue the public opinion of the Moslems, which he had 
been unable to arouse on purely political grounds, and at 
the same time to secure for himself the united support of 
all sections in the retention of the office of President of 
the Supreme Moslem Council, to which he had been 
appointed for only a limited number of years. In such an 
atmosphere only a spark was needed to cause a con- 
flagration. It broke out on August 23rd, 1929. 


An orgy of savagery, murder, and looting spread from 
Jerusalem to a number of small settlements and even to 
Haifa, though the most horrible attacks were upon men, 
women, and children in Hebron and Safed. Troops were 
hurried to the scene from Egypt and Malta, and in 
supressing the riots they and the police killed 1 16 Arabs 
and wounded 232. The High Commissioner, Sir John 
Chancellor, who had been on a visit to England, hastily 
returned to Palestine, and shortly afterwards he was 
followed by a Commission of Enquiry despatched by the 
British Government. This Commission consisted of Sir 
Walter Shaw as chairman, and of one representative of 
each of the three principal political parties. In announc- 
ing its appointment, the Colonial Secretary, Lord Pass- 
field (formerly Sidney Webb) reaffirmed the statement 
previously made by the Foreign Secretary (Arthur Hender- 
son) that the enquiry was "limited to the immediate 
emergency 3 ' and would not "extend to considerations 



of major policy." But when the Commission's Report 
appeared in March, 1930, it was found that the Com- 
mission had trespassed far beyond their instructions. 


The Report stated that the outbreak cc was from the 
beginning an attack by Arabs on Jews, for which no 
excuse in the form of earlier murders by Jews had been 
established. 55 The majority of the Commission appor- 
tioned "a share in the responsibility for the disturbances" 
to the Mufti, and blamed Mufti and Arab Executive for 
failure to make any attempt to control their followers. 
But Mr. (later Lord) Snell, the Labour member of the 
Commission, in a long note of Reservations, attributed 
to the Mufti u a greater share in the responsibility for the 
disturbance" and dissociated himself from the general 
attitude of his colleagues towards the Palestine problem 
as well as from some of their criticisms and conclusions. 
He blamed the Palestine Government for not having 
issued an official communique denying that the Jews 
had designs on the Moslem Holy Places; stated that 
what was required was less a change of policy than a 
change of mind on the part of the Arab population, who 
had been encouraged to believe that the Jewish immi- 
grants were a permanent menace to their livelihood and 
future; and recommended that any land found to be 
unexploited should be made available to the Jews. 
The Commission found that the fundamental cause of 
the riots lay in the Arabs 3 "disappointment of their 
political and national aspirations and fear for their 
economic future. 3 ' Its main recommendations justified 
the worst fears of those who had been anxious that the 
Commission should not trespass beyond its terms of 
reference. Despite the assurances given by the Govern- 
ment, the Report dealt with questions of immigration, 
land, and constitutional development, and culminated 
in the proposal that the Government should issue a new 
statement of policy. 



In order to allay Zionist anxieties, the Prime Minister 
(Ramsay MacDonald) stated in the House of Commons 
that the Government would "continue to administer 
Palestine in accordance with the terms of the Mandate. 
. . . That is an international obligation from which there 
can be no receding." But a few weeks later the Govern- 
ment despatched Sir John Hope Simpson to Palestine to 
enquire into the whole question of immigration, land 
settlement and development. His Report was published 
in October, 1 930, together with a White Paper contain- 
ing a fresh exposition of British policy. The Report was 
a disappointment, as it gave a much lower estimate of the 
cultivable area of the country than had hitherto been 
accepted; it implied that Jewish colonisation had resulted 
in the displacement of a large number of Arab peasants; 
and it declared that, apart from the lands held by Jews in 
reserve, there was "with the present methods of Arab 
cultivation no margin of land available for agricultural 
settlement by new immigrants." The Jewish Agency 
challenged the Report on its facts and figures, and the 
British Government assured the Permanent Mandates 
Commission that these were in dispute and called for 
further investigation. 


The accompanying White Paper was much more 
alarming and objectionable. This document, issued under 
the authority of Lord Passfield, the Colonial Secretary, 
and consequently designated by his name, was a dis- 
quieting sequel to the Churchill White Paper of 1922, for 
it went much further in whittling down the meaning of 
the Balfour Declaration and the articles of the Mandate. 
It foreshadowed fresh restrictions in regard to immigra- 
tion, threatened the Jews with an embargo on further 
purchases of land, and commented upon their work in 
Palestine in terms that were utterly incompatible with 


the friendly support that the Jewish people believed it 
had a right to expect from the British Government. The 
result was a world-wide storm of indignation, coupled 
with the resignation by Dr. Weizmann, who had always 
pursued a policy of co-operation with the Mandatory 
Power, of his office as President of the Jewish Agency. 
The White Paper was denounced by the two surviving 
members of the War Cabinet, Mr. Lloyd George and 
General Smuts; it was severely attacked in The Times by 
leading statesmen of all parties; and it formed the subject 
of a debate in the House of Commons (November i yth, 
1930), in which the Zionist standpoint met with general 
sympathy. Finally, the Prime Minister announced that 
the Government had agreed to set up a Committee of 
Cabinet Ministers to discuss the situation with repre- 
sentatives of the Jewish Agency. 


The outcome of these discussions was the publication, 
on February I3th, 1931, of a statement in the form of a 
Letter from the Prime Minister to Dr. Weizmann. This 
Letter, while not a repudiation of the White Paper, 
explained away and negatived its objectionable passages, 
and was couched throughout in a friendly tone. It 
expressly reaffirmed the Preamble to the Mandate, and 
recognised that "the Jewish Agency has all along given 
willing co-operation in carrying out the policy of the 
Mandate, and that the constructive work done by the 
Jewish people in Palestine has had beneficent effects on 
the development and well-being of the country as a 
whole. 55 It made it clear that "the obligation to facilitate 
Jewish immigration and to encourage close settlement 
by Jews on the land remains a positive obligation of the 
Mandate/ 5 It stated that a careful inquiry would be 
made into the number of alleged "displaced Arabs 55 
(which had been advanced by the Shaw Commission 
as one of the contributory causes of the riots of 1929), 
that a comprehensive inquiry would also be made to 


ascertain "what State and other lands are, or properly 
can be made, available for close settlement by Jews/* 
and that it was the Government's cc defmite intention to 
initiate an active policy of development, which it is 
believed will result in substantial and lasting benefit to 
both Jews and Arabs. 53 The importance of this Letter 
was indicated by the fact that it was printed in the 
Parliamentary Report, embodied in official instructions 
to the High Commissioner, and communicated to the 
League of Nations. 


To give effect to the policy outlined in this Letter, the 
Government appointed Mr. Lewis French, in July, 1931, 
to carry out a systematic inquiry in Palestine and draw 
up specific proposals in regard to agricultural develop- 
ment and land settlement. Mr. French was required in 
particular to prepare a register of "displaced Arabs" 1 
and draw up a scheme for their resettlement, and to 
investigate the methods necessary for carrying out the 
Government's proposed policy of land settlement, 
including the provision of credits for Arab cultivators 
and Jewish settlers, and proposals for draining and 
irrigating land. When his Reports were at length re- 
leased, two years later (July i4th, 1933), they were 
found to be sterile and discouraging. His general con- 
clusion was that there was nothing, for the time being, 
that the Government could do for the assistance or en- 
couragement of Jewish agricultural development, and 
that the exploitation of the Beisan and Huleh districts 
and of the Jordan Valley would not be an economic 
proposition. Worse still, he made a set of proposals for 
the enactment of restrictive legislation. The Jewish 
Agency published its views in a Memorandum, in which 
it declared that it could not see in the Reports the out- 
line of the scheme contemplated in the Prime Minister's 

1 The term "displaced Arabs'* was defined as "such Arabs as can be shown, 
to have been displaced from, the lands which they occupied in consequence of the 
land passing into Jewish hands, and who have not obtained other holdings on 
which they can establish themselves, or other equally satisfactory occupation." 


Letter, and that "these Reports cannot be accepted as a 
basis of land and development policy in Palestine, in the 
execution of which the Jewish Agency would find itself 
in a position to co-operate. 3 * One satisfactory outcome, 
however, of the inquiry was to establish the fact that over 
a period of 12 years there were only 664 "displaced 


As a practical sequel to the recommendations of the 
various Commissions, the British Government, in May, 
I 934> obtained the authority of Parliament to guarantee 
a loan of 2,000,000 to be raised by the Palestine 
Government for various agricultural improvements and 
public works. But the loan proved unnecessary as the 
Palestine Government, thanks to the prosperity brought 
to the country by Jewish economic enterprise, actually 
enjoyed a good surplus. The sum of 250,000 had been 
allocated for the resettlement of displaced Arabs, but 
only one-third of that amount was actually needed for 
the accommodation of all genuinely displaced Arabs 
who took up holdings on Government estates. 1 


It was rather remarkable that while the various Com- 
missions of Inquiry were laboriously seeking means to 
deprive the Arabs of further pretexts for agitation, 
Palestine was actually experiencing a period of material 
progress unprecedented in its history. This was almost 
entirely due to the labour, capital, and enterprise 
systematically applied by the Jewish settlers, who con- 
tinued to arrive in swelling numbers. Jewish immigra- 
tion figures rose from 5,000, in 1929, to nearly twice that 
number in 1932. In the following year, they spurted up 
to 30,000; in 1934 they exceeded 42,000; and in 1935, 

1 Only about 100 Arab families availed themselves of the opportunity of re- 
settlement offered by the Palestine Government, and, according to the Govern- 
ment's Report for 1937, about 50 of them "deserted the settlement and are 
engaged, for the most part, in other than agricultural work." 


they soared to the record total of nearly 62,000* This 
growing influx was one of the consequences of the Nazi 
persecution of the Jews in Germany, who were made to 
realise that their only salvation lay in emigration, and 
the Land of Israel had an appeal for many which was 
unequalled by that of other countries. There were also 
substantial tributaries to the stream of immigration from 
other lands, in Central and Eastern Europe, where the 
screw of intolerance was turned as the savagery of 
Hitlerism advanced. All these newcomers brought with 
them not only the energy and will to build for them- 
selves a new livelihood, but also, in very numerous 
cases, technical skill, patent processes, and their own 
machinery. Moreover, quite a considerable quantity of 
Jewish capital was imported Into the country. It 
amounted, in the 20 years between 1919 and 1939, to 
at least 120,000,000, of which at least one-third was 
introduced during the five years before the War. The 
progress of the National Home was reflected in all 
sorts of directions: in the steady expansion of land in 
Jewish ownership and cultivation: in the increasing 
number of Jewish agricultural settlements; in the growth 
of Jewish residential districts; in the multiplication of 
factories, mills, and workshops; in the extension of 
trades; in the improvement and enlargement of the 
health and educational services; and in the fruitful 
impetus given to all forms of cultural activity. 


On the other hand, the succession of inquiries, with the 
spate of Blue Books and White Papers which they gener- 
ated, had a disturbing effect upon the Zionist Movement 
itself. The Congress of 1931 pointed out that the Prime 
Minister's Letter contained reservations that were a 
source of some anxiety, and drew attention to the 
continued difficulties attaching to the purchase of land 
and to the employment of Jewish labour on public works 
in Palestine. At this Congress, Dr, Weizmann^ who had 


previously announced Ms resignation, delivered a vale- 
dictory address In which he gave a comprehensive survey 
of his efforts during the past 12 years to co-operate loyally 
with the British Government, and he was succeeded by 
Mr. Sokolow as President of the Zionist Organisation 
and of the Jewish Agency. This Congress also witnessed 
a growth in numbers of the Revisionists, who now formed 
the third strongest party. Jabotinsky and his supporters 
not only attacked the policy of Weizmann, but, con- 
stituting themselves the extreme Right Wing of the 
Movement, levelled the most scathing criticism upon the 
Labour Party and its activities in Palestine. 


The Congress of 1933 was overshadowed by the 
tragedy of German Jewry. It declared it to be "the duty 
of the Mandatory Power to open the gates of Palestine 
for as large an immigration of German Jews as possible 
and to facilitate their settlement," and it decided to 
create a Central Bureau for the purpose, of which Dr. 
Weizrnann was elected director. The Congress was also 
deeply agitated by the assassination of Dr. Arlosoroff, 
the Labour member of the Executive, which had taken 
place in Tel Aviv two months before. Two young 
Revisionists had been charged with the murder, and one 
of them was convicted but afterwards acquitted on 
appeal. The result was increased antagonism and 
bitterness between the Labour Party and the Revision- 
ists. Although the Revisionists were a party within the 
Zionist Organisation, Jabotinsky also organised them 
into a World Union, which acted independently of the 
Zionist Organisation and in opposition to the declared 
policy of Congress, made separate representations to 
Governments and the League of Nations, and boycotted 
all Zionist funds. The Revisionists were now disunited, 
as a minority broke away under the leadership of Mr. 
Meir Grossmann and created the Jewish State Party. 
Labour had for the first time become the strongest Party 


and secured 40 per cent, of the seats on the new 

The interval between the Congress of 1933 and that of 
1935 witnessed the secession from the Zionist Organisa- 
tion of the Revisionists. In order to counteract the in- 
subordination of Jabotinsky's Party, the Congress of 
1933 had passed a resolution affirming that in all Zionist 
questions membership of the Zionist Organisation entailed 
a duty of discipline in regard to its consitution and 
decisions, which took precedence over the claims of any 
other body. In the following year the Zionist Executive 
printed the text of this resolution on the new Shekel 
vouchers as a general reminder. This provoked resentful 
criticism on the part of the Revisionists, who resolved to 
ignore the prescribed regulation and to break away. On 
April 25th, 1935, they announced that they had seceded 
from the Zionist Organisation, but the Jewish State 
Party loyally remained within it. Some time later 
Jabotinsky founded the "New Zionist Organisation," 
which systematically boycotted all the funds and in- 
stitutions of the Zionist Organisation and frittered away 
most of its energy In futile attacks upon the parent body. 1 


The Congress of 1935, which met in Lucerne, was 
again gravely preoccupied with the problems arising 
from the plight of German Jewry, It demanded a 
quickening of the tempo in the development of the 
Jewish National Home and stressed many grievances: 
the scanty immigration schedules, the reduced share of 
Jewish labour in public and municipal works, the 
unduly small percentage of Jews in the Government 
service, and the very meagre grants by the Government 
to the Jewish education and health services despite the 
large Jewish contribution to its revenue. The arrange- 
ments that had been made to facilitate the transfer of 

1 The "New Zionist Organisation" was dissolved in 1946, its members joining 
the Jewish State Party, which was renamed United Zionist Revisionists. 


the capital of German Jews wishing to settle in Palestine 
aroused a keen and somewhat embittered discussion. 
An agreement had been concluded in 1933 with the 
German Reichsbank by the Anglo-Palestine Bank and 
the German Jewish banks of Wassermann and Warburg, 
whereby emigrants to Palestine could receive their 
money from a clearing-house there, out of the payments 
made by Palestinian importers of German goods. The 
agreement was strongly defended on the ground that it 
was the only means of salvaging the property of thou- 
sands of German Jews and thus augmenting the resources 
of the Tishuv, while it brought no fresh money into the 
Reich. It was decided that the whole business of the 
Haavarah (or "transfer," as the arrangement was called) 
should, in order to keep it within justifiable limits, be 
placed under the control of the Executive. 1 

The Congress concluded by re-electing Dr. Weizmann 
as President of the Zionist Organisation and electing Mr. 
Sokolow as Honorary President. It adopted a budget of 
nearly 400,000, more than double the budget of the 
previous Congress, an increase that reflected the im- 
provement in the financial position. The Council of the 
Jewish Agency, which met immediately after, approved 
the budget and the resolutions relating to the work in 
Palestine, and both Zionists and non-Zionists looked 
forward to the coming years with hope mingled with no 
little concern. Little did they dream that a more deter- 
mined and violent attempt than any before was now to 
be made to undermine the foundations of the Jewish 
National Home. 

i A total of 8,000,000 of Jewish capital was transferred by this method from 
Germany to Palestine. 




THE new and organised assault by the Arabs, which 
was to last over three years, was the outcome appar- 
ently of the Palestine Government's scheme to secure 
their political co-operation. At the end of December, 
1935, the High Commissioner announced proposals for 
the establishment of a Legislative Council, a project for 
which had been rejected by the Arab leaders in 1922 and 
then dropped. According to the revived scheme, the 
Council was to consist of 28 members, 12 elected (nine 
Arabs and three Jews) , 1 1 nominated (five Arabs, four 
Jews and two representatives of the commercial world), 
and five officials, meeting under an impartial president 
previously unconnected with Palestine. Subject to the 
articles of the Mandate and the High Commissioner's 
powers to maintain law and good government, the 
Council was to have the right to debate and amend all 
Bills introduced by the Government; but the final 
decision was to rest with the High Commissioner, whose 
consent was necessary for the proposal of any measures 
by the Council. The Jewish leaders rejected the scheme 
mainly on the ground that the Jews would thereby be 
reduced to minority status in their National Home, 
whose development would be obstructed by a Council, 
the majority of whose members would not recognise the 


The leaders of the five different Arab parties were 
disagreed about the scheme, and were therefore invited 
by the Colonial Secretary to send a deputation to London 
to discuss the matter. But before agreement could be 


reached about the composition of the deputation, there 
began, in Jaffa, on April igth, 1936, murderous attacks 
by Arabs on Jews, which soon spread throughout the 
country, and also included assaults upon the British 
military and police. The "Arab Higher Committee/ 3 
representing the various parties, proclaimed a general 
strike and formulated three main demands: (i) stoppage 
of Jewish Immigration; (2) the prohibition of the sale of 
land to Jews; and (3) the creation of a "National 
Representative Government. 33 These demands were 
rejected by the Government. As the terrorism developed 
Into an organised rebellion against the Government, 
military reinforcements were brought from Egypt and 
Malta, and as these proved inadequate, further rein- 
forcements were sent from England, bringing the 
number of troops in Palestine up to 20,000; but relatively 
little use was made of them. There were acts of murder, 
robbery, and sabotage throughout the country. The 
armed terrorists did not confine themselves to the 
destruction of Jewish life and property, but cut telegraph 
and telephone wires, derailed trains, obstructed traffic 
on the roads by land mines, and set fire to the oil-pipe 
line between Haifa and Iraq. The situation was 
aggravated by the vacillation displayed by the Govern- 
ment, by its leniency and inconsistency in applying its 
own emergency regulations, by the delay in punishing 
persons caught infringing the law, and by the alternation 
of stern action with official parleying with the leaders. 
It was officially admitted that there was "propaganda 
from outside sources, 33 but the position was really graver 
than that. The terrorists were assisted not only by mercen- 
aries from over the border (especially from Iraq and Syria) 
but also by funds and arms from Nazi Germany and 
Fascist Italy, which were interested in making trouble for 


Three months after the beginning of the outbreak the 
British, Government announced the appointment of a 


Royal Commission, under the chairmanship of Earl Peel 
(a former Secretary of State for India), with terms of 
reference more comprehensive and far-reaching than 
those of all previous Commissions. It was to ascertain the 
causes of the disorders; to inquire into the manner in 
which the Mandate was being implemented in relation 
to the obligations of the Mandatory towards the Arabs 
and the Jews respectively; to ascertain whether , upon a 
proper construction of the terms of the Mandate, either 
the Arabs or the Jews had any legitimate grievances on 
account of the way in which the Mandate was imple- 
mented; and, finally, to make recommendations for the 
removal of any grievances that were well founded. The 
so-called "strike" was stopped by tke Arab Higher 
Committee (after the intervention of the Iraqi Foreign 
Minister, General Nuri Pasha), on October I2th, after 
91 Jews had been killed and 367 had been wounded. 

The members of the Royal Commission arrived in 
Palestine a month later and remained until the middle 
of January, 1937. They did their work very thoroughly, 
and when their Report! appeared in the following July 
a volume of 400 pages it was found to be the most inform- 
ative and critical work on the administration of Palestine 
since the beginning of the British occupation. It was 
marked by a sympathetic appreciation of Jewish aspira- 
tions and achievements. It consisted of a comprehensive 
and analytic survey of the Palestine problem, an examina- 
tion of the operation of the Mandate, and proposals for 
"the possibility of a lasting settlement." In their conclu- 
sions, the Commission stated that * c the underlying causes of 
the disturbances, or (as we regard it) the rebellion of 1 936, 
are, first, the desire of the Arabs for national independence; 
secondly, their antagonism to the establishment of the 
Jewish National Home, quickened by their fear of Jewish 


The Royal Commission found that most of the Arab 
grievances (e.g. the acquisition of land by Jews, Jewish 


Immigration, the use of Hebrew and English as the 
official languages, the creation of landless Arabs) could 
not be "regarded as legitimate under the terms of the 
Mandate. 3 * They pointed out that the Arabs had sub- 
stantially benefited by Jewish Immigration; that the 
expansion of Arab Industry and citriculture had been 
largely financed by Imported Jewish capital; that owing 
to Jewish development and enterprise the employment 
of Arab labour had increased in urban areas, particularly 
in the ports; that the reclamation and anti-malarial work 
undertaken in Jewish colonies had benefited all Arabs in 
the neighbourhood; and that the general beneficent 
effect of Jewish immigration on Arab welfare was 
illustrated by the fact that the increase in the Arab 
population was most marked in urban areas affected by 
Jewish development. On the other hand, they found that 
the attitude of Arab officials precluded any extension of 
their employment In the higher posts of the Adminis- 
tration, and stated that "self-governing institutions 
cannot be developed in the peculiar circumstances of 
Palestine under the Mandate." 

As regards the main Jewish grievance, the Commission 
suggested departmental decentralisation to mitigate 
obstructions in the establishment of the Jewish National 
Home, and recommended that British officers selected 
for service in Palestine should have a course of special 
training. On the question of the subversive activities of 
the Mufti of Jerusalem, Haj Amin el-Husseini, they 
stated it was unfortunate that no steps had been taken 
to regulate elections for the Supreme Moslem Council, 
and that the policy of conciliation had failed. They 
suggested measures to provide land for close settlement 
by the Jews and "to safeguard the rights and position of 
die Arabs," and "limitation of the close settlement upon 
the land to the plain districts." Their proposals in regard 
to immigration were both novel and unwelcome. They 
recommended that immigration should be "decided 
upon political, social, and psychological as well as 
economic considerations"; that a "political high level" 

THE ARAB REBELLION, 1 935-1939 143 

should be fixed at 12,000 a year for the next five years, 
to include Jews of every category; and "the abolition of 
certain categories dealing with members of the liberal 
professions and craftsmen, and the revision of the con- 
ditions governing the free entry of capitalists." They 
regarded the failure to ensure public security as the most 
serious of the Jewish complaints, and recommended the 
enforcement of martial law if the disorders broke out 


All these recommendations, in the opinion of the Com- 
mission, would not remove the grievances; they were 
"the best palliatives 3 ' but could not "cure the trouble." 
The Commission believed that the division of Palestine 
into a Jewish and an Arab canton, whereby each would 
have self-government in regard to social services, land 
and immigration, while the central government would 
retain control over all other matters, would involve 
difficulties and satisfy neither Arabs nor Jews. They 
therefore proposed the termination of the Mandate and 
the division of Palestine into three parts: (i) a Jewish 
State, mainly in the plains, comprising the whole of 
Galilee, the whole of the Valley of Jezreel, the greater 
part of Beisan, and all the coastal plain from Ras-el- 
Nakura, in the north, to Beer-Tuvia, in the south (an 
area equal to about one-fifth of Palestine west of the 
Jordan); (2) an Arab State, including Transjordan, in 
the hills, with a port at Jaffa; and (3) a British mandated 
area, including Jerusalem, Bethlehem, and Nazareth, 
with a corridor from Jerusalem to the coast and an 
enclave near Aqaba (as well as, temporarily, Tiberias, 
Acre and Haifa) . Treaties of Alliance should be nego- 
tiated by the Mandatory with the Government of Trans- 
Jordan and representatives of the Arabs of Palestine, on 
the one hand, and with the Zionist Organisation on the 

The Mandatory would support the admission of the 
Jewish and Arab States to the League of Nations; there 


would be strict guarantees for the protection of minorities 
in each State, as well as financial and other provisions; 
and there would be military conventions. The Jewish 
State should pay a subvention to the Arab State; the 
Public Debt of Palestine (about ^4,500,000) should be 
divided between the two States; and the British Treasury 
should make a grant of ^2,000,000 to the Arab State. 
In view of the very large number of Arabs in the Jewish 
area and the small number of Jews in the Arab area, the 
Treaties should contain provisions for the transfer of land 
and the exchange of population. For the period of 
transition, the Commission recommended the prohibi- 
tion of the purchase of land by Jews within the Arab 
area or by the Arabs within the Jewish area, as well as 
territorial restrictions on Jewish immigration instead of 
the "political high level." 


The Report of the Royal Commission was accom- 
panied by a Statement of Policy by the British Govern- 
ment, declaring that they were a in general agreement 
with the arguments and conclusions of the Commission" 
and would take the necessary steps to give effect to the 
scheme of partition. Meanwhile, any land transactions 
that might prejudice the scheme were prohibited, and 
the total Jewish immigration for the eight months' 
period, August, 1937, to March, 1938, was limited to 
8,000 persons. The House of Commons, after a vigorous 
debate on the question, passed a resolution that the 
partition proposals "should be brought before the League 
of Nations with a view to enabling His Majesty's Govern- 
ment, after adequate inquiry, to present to Parliament 
a definite scheme." 


When the Twentieth Zionist Congress met in Zurich 
in August, 1937, it devoted a week to an exhaustive 

THE ARAB REBELLION, 1935-1939 145 

discussion of the Commission's Report. It adopted resolu- 
tions which stated that the partition scheme was un- 
acceptable, that the Executive should ascertain the 
precise terms of the Government for the proposed Jewish 
State^ and that the Executive should bring any definite 
scheme that might emerge before a newly elected Con- 
gress for consideration and decision. The Congress 
rejected the Commission's assertion that the Mandate 
had proved unworkable, and demanded its fulfilment; 
rejected the conclusion of the Commission that the 
national aspirations of the Jewish people and those of the 
Arabs of Palestine are irreconcilable; condemned the 
"palliative" proposals; and protested against the decision 
to fix a political maximum for Jewish immigration for the 
next eight months. The Council of the Jewish Agency 
endorsed the resolutions of Congress and directed the 
Executive to request the British Government cc to convene 
a Conference of the Jews and Arabs of Palestine with a 
view to exploring the possibility of making a peaceful 
settlement between Jews and Arabs in and for an un- 
divided Palestine on the basis of the Balfour Declaration 
and the Mandate. 55 This request was addressed to the 
Government, but was refused. 


The Permanent Mandates Commission of the League 
was favourable in principle to an examination of the 
proposed partition, but was opposed to the immediate 
creation of two independent States,, and considered that 
a prolongation of the period of political apprenticeship 
constituted by the Mandate would be absolutely essential 
to the two States. The Council of the League agreed to 
the British Government's continuing to study the solution 
of the problem by partition and deferred consideration 
of the question until it was able to deal with it as a whole. 



The Arabs issued no official declaration on the Com- 
mission's proposals, but,, after eight months 5 peace, 
resumed in June, 1937, their campaign of terrorism and 
assassination. The Palestine Government thereupon 
declared all Arab Committees illegal, deported certain 
members and imprisoned others. The Mufti of Jerusalem 
was deprived of his office as President of the Supreme 
Moslem Council and of membership of the General 
Wakf Committee (of which he was chairman) , and a 
fortnight later he escaped in disguise to Beyrout. As the 
outrages continued, Military Courts were established in 
November to try those accused of acts of violence, and 
to impose sentences of death, with the result that some 
Arab terrorists were executed. After the rebellion had 
lasted three years it had claimed 5,774 victims, com- 
prising 450 Jews killed and 1,944 wounded, 140 British 
killed and 476 wounded, and 2,287 Arabs killed and 
1,477 wounded. The Arab terrorists had murdered 
more of their own people who refused to join them than 
they had of Jews. They had also destroyed over 200,000 
trees in Jewish settlements, but the Jews planted one 
million more in their place proof that no atrocities, 
however widespread or prolonged, could weaken the 
determination of the Jews to rebuild their National Home. 


Although the British Government had declared that 
they were "in general agreement with the arguments 
and conclusions of the Commission, 33 yet five months 
later they published a despatch to the High Commis- 
sioner for Palestine, stating that they were not committed 
to its partition plan, and that another Commission 
would be sent out to make fuller investigations and draw 
up a more precise scheme. The task of the Partition 
Commission, as it was called, was to advise as to the 
provisional boundaries of the proposed Arab and Jewish 


areas and the new mandated British area, and to under- 
take the financial and other inquiries suggested by the 
Royal Commission. This Commission, with Sir John 
Woodhead as chairman, arrived in Palestine at the end 
of April, 1938, and stayed there for three months. Their 
Report, published in the following November^ unanim- 
ously advised against the adoption of the scheme outlined 
by the Royal Commission on the ground of Its imprac- 
ticability. They also considered two alternative schemes, 
but were not agreed as to either. They therefore reported 
that they were "unable to recommend boundaries for 
the proposed areas which will afford a reasonable 
prospect of the eventual establishment of self-supporting 
Arab and Jewish States." 

The Government accepted the conclusions of the 
Partition Commission and announced that they would 
try to promote an understanding between the Arabs and 
the Jews by convening a conference of representatives of 
the Palestinian Arabs and of the neighbouring States on 
the one hand, and of the Jewish Agency on the other. 
The Jewish Agency thereupon issued a statement recall- 
ing the fact that the request they had made after the 
publication of the Royal Commission^ Report that the 
Government should convene a Jewish-Arab Conference, 
was at that time refused, and they viewed with grave 
apprehension the proposal to invite the neighbouring 
Arab States who had no special status in regard to 


The Conference took place in London at St. James's 
Palace, early in 1939. The Jewish side was represented 
by the Executive of the Jewish Agency and by other 
leading personalities, Zionist and non-Zionist, repre- 
sentative of the British Empire, the United States, and 
other countries. Most of the Palestinian Arab delegates 
were followers of the ex-Mufti of Jerusalem; there were 
also three delegates of the moderate National Defence 
Party, but they played only a passive part. The Arab 


States represented were Egypt, Saudi-Arabia, Iraq, the 
Yemen, and Transjordan. The Government was repre- 
sented by the Colonial Secretary (Mr. Malcolm Mac- 
Donald), the Foreign Secretary (Lord Halifax), and the 
Under-Secretary for Foreign Affairs (Mr. R. A. Butler). 
The Arabs refused to meet the Jewish delegates, al- 
though the latter were willing to meet the others (and 
had one informal meeting with representatives of the 
Arab States), so that the Government conducted 
Conferences with the two sides separately. As these talks 
led to no agreement, they were broken off, and two 
months later, on May lyth, the Government published 
a White Paper, setting forth their new policy. 


The White Paper declared that the objective of the 
Government was the establishment within 10 years of an 
independent Palestine State. There would be a transi- 
tional period, during which the people of Palestine 
would be given an increasing part in the government of 
the country. Arabs and Jews would be in charge of 
departments approximately in proportion to their 
population, with British advisers; the Executive Council 
would be converted into a Council of Ministers; and 
machinery would be provided for an elective legislature 
if public opinion in Palestine were in favour of such a 
development. Adequate provision would have to be 
made for the security of the Holy Places, protection of 
the interests of the various religious bodies, and "the 
special position in Palestine of the Jewish National 
Home. 55 But if, at the end of 10 years, the establishment 
of the independent State had to be postponed, the 
Government would consult with representatives of the 
people of Palestine, the Council of the League of Nations, 
and the neighbouring Arab States before deciding on 
such a postponement. As for immigration, some 75,000 
immigrants (including 25,000 refugees) would be ad- 
mitted over the next five years 3 so as to bring the Jewish 


population up to approximately one-third of the total 
population. After five years no further Jewish immigra- 
tion would be permitted unless the Arabs agreed. 

As regards the question of land, the High Commis- 
sioner, in the interests of the Arab cultivators, would be 
given general powers to prohibit and regulate transfers 
of land and could also review and modify any orders in 
relation thereto. 

The Jewish Agency immediately published a state- 
ment, in which they declared that the White Paper policy 
was a denial of the right of the Jewish people to recon- 
stitute their National Home in their ancestral country, 
that it was a surrender to Arab terrorism and robbed the 
Jews of their last hope in the darkest hour of their history, 
and that they would never submit to the closing against 
them of the gates of Palestine or let their National Home 
be converted into a Ghetto. Although the White Paper 
virtually conceded the main demands of the Arab 
leaders, the ex-Mufti's party rejected it, but the Arab 
moderates accepted it. The White Paper was severely 
criticised in both Houses of Parliament by Members of 
all parties, particularly by two former Colonial Secre- 
taries. Mr. Winston Churchill stigmatised the document 
as "a plain breach of a solemn obligation" and "another 
Munich," and Mr. Amery said that he could never hold 
up his head if he voted for it. It was strongly denounced 
by Labour leaders, including Mr. Philip Noel-Baker, 
who called it "cowardly and wrong," and Mr. Herbert 
Morrison, who said that the Government "must under- 
stand that this document will not be automatically 
binding upon their successors in office, whatever the 
circumstances of the time may be." 

It was then examined by the Permanent Mandates 
Commission, who unanimously rejected it on the ground 
that "the policy set out in the White Paper was not in 
accordance with the interpretation which, in agreement 
with the Mandatory Power and the Council, the Com- 
mission had always placed upon the Palestine Mandate." 
The Commission also considered whether the Mandate 


"might not perhaps be open to a new Interpretation 
which . . . would be sufficiently flexible for the policy of 
the White Paper not to appear at variance with it. 55 The 
majority declared that they "did not feel able to state 
that the policy of the White Paper was in conformity 
with the Mandate/ 5 while the minority (Britain, France, 
and Portugal) considered that "existing circumstances 
would justify the policy of the White Paper, provided 
the Council did not oppose it." Owing to the impend- 
ing outbreak of war, no meeting of the Council of 
the League of Nations could be held to consider 
the Report of the Mandates Commission. But although 
the White Paper thus failed to obtain legal sanc- 
tion, the Government immediately began to apply it 
in respect of Jewish immigration into Palestine. They 
issued a reduced schedule for the months from May to 
September, 1939, and suspended all further Jewish 
immigration for the following six months, at the very 
time when it would have been possible to save tens of 
thousands of Jews from the Nazi terror. 


At the Twenty-first Zionist Congress, which opened at 
Geneva only two weeks before the beginning of the war, 
Dr. Weizmann arraigned the British Government in 
bitter and searing words, such as he had never used 
before. He accused it of unilaterally destroying an inter- 
national obligation to the Jews which had been under- 
taken before the whole civilised world, and of trying to 
bring to a standstill the great historic process of the 
return of Israel and the rebuilding of Palestine. After an 
anxious week of earnest discussion, the Congress adopted 
a series of resolutions, in which it rejected the policy of 
the White Paper "as violating the rights of the Jewish 
people and repudiating the obligation towards them 
entered into by Great Britain in the Balfour Declaration 
and the Mandate, and endorsed by the civilised nations 
of the world. 5 ' Owing to the gradual darkening of the 

THE ARAB REBELLION, 1 935-1 939 

political horizon the Congress had to be curtailed. A 
budget of ^720,000 was adopted and the retiring 
Executive were re-elected. 

In the concluding session. Dr. Weizmann said that 
above and beyond their grievances there were higher 
interests that were common to them and the Western 
democracies. He hoped they would all survive the 
coming conflict and that their work would continue. 
Ussishkin 5 who, as President of the Congress, closed the 
proceedings, dwelt on the fate that was awaiting the 
Jews in the lands of Central and Eastern Europe as well 
as those in Palestine. He hoped that the Jews of Poland 
would not have to suffer too much in the disaster that 
threatened, and in the time-honoured Hebrew phrase 
he bade them all "Go in peace." The entire assembly 
then rose and fervently sang "Hatikvah," 1 and with 
mutual good wishes they streamed out of the Congress 
building after midnight to face the unknown terrors of 
the coming catastrophe. 

1 "Hatikvah," composed by Naphtali Herz Imber in 1878, at Jassy, and popu- 
larized years later by a Zionist Students 1 Society in Vienna and elsewhere, was 
sung at a Zionist Congress for the first time at the Sixth Congress, in 1903; at the 
end of the sixth and eighth sessions and at the conclusion of the Congress (Jewish 
Chronicle, August 28th and September 4th, 1903). At that Congress another 
Zionist song Dor t wo die Ceder, was also sung, but at the conclusion of the Eighth 
Congress, in 1907, "Hatikvah" alone was sung, thus showing that it had at length 
received recognition as the Jewish National Anthem. (The statement in the 
author's previous work, The ionist Movement, on page 74, that "Hatikvah" was 
sung at the end of the First Congress, has been shown by subsequent research to 
be unfounded.) 




THE Second World War had a devastating effect 
upon the Zionist movement, as upon life in general, 
throughout the European Continent, although Zionist 
societies quickly revived in various countries as soon as 
these were liberated. In all lands that remained free 
from Nazi invasion, especially those of the English- 
speaking peoples, the War gave a remarkable stimulus 
to Zionist sentiment and evoked far more generous 
support for the cause than in any previous period. In 
Palestine the Arab disorders that raged for over three 
years ceased, and all political controversy was silenced 
in the face of the more formidable conflict that had 
begun. Economic interests brought about a certain co- 
operation between Arabs and Jews in the steps taken to 
secure Government help, particularly in the important 
citrus industry, and friendly relations developed also 
in other spheres. Owing to the difficulties of shipping 
and the consequent greatly reduced export of citrus 
fruits, a heavy loss was inflicted upon the growers, which 
was mitigated only partly by the subsidies and loans 
provided by the Government and certain banks. There 
was also a serious slump in the building industry owing 
to the reduction of immigration and imported capital 
and the lack of raw materials, but this was later offset to a 
great extent by the impetus given to various manufac- 
turing industries. The country soon adjusted itself, 
however, to the new conditions, and as it became an 
important military base a measure of prosperity gradu- 
ally returned. 

THE SECOND WORLD WAR, 1939-1945 153 


Despite the Government's concern over the war, they 
enacted regulations on February 28th, 1940,, for the sale 
and transfer of land, in pursuance of the White Paper, 
which had been emphatically rejected by the Mandates 
Commission and had not been approved by the Council 
of the League. The effect of these regulations was to 
divide Palestine (west of the Jordan) into three zones, 
in one of which land sales to Jews were prohibited, in 
the second restricted to cases where it could be shown 
that the transfer was for the purpose of extending or 
facilitating the irrigation of holdings already in possession 
of the transferee, and only in the third were they free. 
This third zone, which included all municipal areas, the 
Haifa industrial zone, and the maritime plain between 
Tantura and Ramleh, was limited to only five per cent. 
of the area of western Palestine. The official reason 
given for these land regulations was to protect the 
economic interests of the Arab peasantry; in fact, they 
were intended to limit the zone of Jewish settlement to 
the area where Jews already predominated and to bar 
their access to the greater part of the country. Thus, the 
ultimate achievement of a Jewish State on both sides of 
the Jordan, the prospect held out in 1917 by the Balfour 
Declaration, was reduced to a "Pale of Settlement" 
only one-sixtieth of the original area. 


Whatever anxieties and hardships the Jews in Palestine 
may have experienced in the first years of the war, they 
were moved far more deeply by the tragic fate that over- 
took thousands of refugees from Nazi oppression who 
sought asylum in their National Home, but were not 
admitted, because the Government, entirely ignoring 
their exceptional plight, declared them to be illegal 
immigrants. At the beginning of September, 1939, a 
ship that reached the coast of Palestine, crowded with 


the victims of the Nazi terror, was fired on by the coastal 
police, and three refugees were killed. In March, 1940, 
the Darien reached Palestine with 800 refugees, the 
majority of whom, had escaped from the massacres In 
Bucharest and other cities in Rumania, and carrying on 
board the survivors of another refugee vessel, the 
Salvador, which had sunk in the Sea of Marmora with the 
loss of over 200 lives; but, on landing, all of them were 
interned. In November, 1940, more than 1,770 Jews, 
who had fled from Nazi-occupied lands, reached Haifa 
in two vessels, the Pacific and the Milos, and, as they were 
without permits, they, together with over 100 refugees 
from another vessel, were transferred to the Patria for 
the purpose of being deported to a British colony. The 
official communique broadcast from Jerusalem stated: 
"The ultimate disposal of the Immigrants would be 
deferred for consideration until the end of the war, but 
it is not proposed that they shall remain in the same 
British colony where they are to be sent or to go to 
Palestine/' The Patria, with 1,900 persons on board, 
exploded in the harbour, and 257 refugees lost their lives, 
yet the High Commissioner declared that the survivors 
should be deported; but owing to public protests in 
England and America, the order was rescinded and the 
refugees allowed to remain in Palestine. About the same 
time, the Atlantic brought 1,750 refugees, who, after being 
allowed to land for internment, were deported to 
Mauritius Island. 1 

A year later there was a much worse calamity, which 
deeply stirred what was still left of the civilised world. 
In December, 1941, a small weather-beaten vessel, the 
Struma, brought 769 Jewish refugees from the pogroms in 
Rumania to the approaches of Istanbul and was unable 
to proceed further. The Turkish authorities would not 
allow them to land without an assurance that another 
country would admit them, and the Jewish Agency tried 
to obtain such an assurance from the Palestine Government 

1 After being detained in Mauritius for over four and a half years, the refugees 
(of whom 120 had meanwhile died, mostly because of the tropical climate) were 
transferred to Palestine in August, 1945. 

THE SECOND WORLD WAR, 1939-1945 155 

in vain. The Strum was then compelled to put to sea^ 
and broke up (on February 24th, 1942) with the loss 
of all except one on board. 

The exclusion of all these victims of persecution from 
the land where their people had been told that they were 
cc as of right and not on sufferance/ 3 was justified by the 
Palestine Government on the ground that their admission 
would constitute a violation of the White Paper of 1939, 
although this document, which had never been sanc- 
tioned by the League, provided for the entry of 25,000 
refugees within five years, and despite the fact that many 
hundreds of non-Jews (Poles, Greeks, and Yugoslavs) 
were admitted, and rightly so, without question. It was 
not until the beginning of 1945 that the refugees deported 
to the Mauritius Island, many of whom had offered to 
fight against the Germans and were thus released, were 
at length informed that they would be taken to Palestine. 


Even before the war began, and only a few days after 
the Congress in Geneva was over, Dr. Weizmann wrote 
a letter to the British Prime Minister, Mr. Neville 
Chamberlain, in which he stated that, despite the 
differences with the Mandatory Power, the Jewish 
Agency readily offered the Government all the Jewish 
manpower, technical ability, and resources at their 
disposal in the coming struggle. The Prime Minister 
courteously acknowledged the offer, but no steps were 
taken by the Government to avail themselves of it. The 
Executives of the Jewish Agency and the Vaad Leumi, 
however, anxious to give practical effect to their desire 
to help in the conflict, organised a registration of volun- 
teers in Palestine for national service during the period of 
the emergency. The result of the registration was that 
over 85,000 Jewish men and 50,000 women, between the 
ages of 1 8 and 50, volunteered for national service, either 
within the Jewish community or at the disposal of the 
British military command in Palestine. 



The military authorities were at first slow in availing 
themselves of Jewish co-operation. During the first year 
of the war only a limited number of Jewish and Arab 
volunteers were accepted for the service corps, and two 
Auxiliary Military Pioneer Corps were formed, in which 
the Jews outnumbered the Arabs by about three to one. 
The first batch of men of this corps distinguished them- 
selves during the great battle in Flanders and North 
France in 1940, took part in covering the retreat of the 
second British Expeditionary Force from St. Malo, were 
among the last to leave for England, and then par- 
ticipated in the defence of the southern coast in the 
Battle of Britain. When most of the ground personnel of 
the Royal Air Force in Egypt had to be transferred in 
the summer of 1940 to Britain, their places were filled by 
1,500 Jewish qualified mechanics from Palestine. Not 
until September, 1940, were the Jews given the oppor- 
tunity of joining the combatant ranks. It was then 
decided to form 14 military companies, seven Jewish and 
seven Arab, the recruitment to be on a basis of strict 
equality of numbers; but this principle had to be relaxed, 
as Arab reluctance was a brake upon Jewish volunteer- 
ing. The Executive of the Jewish Agency, together with 
that of the Vaad Leumi and other organised sections of 
the Tishuv^ opened recruiting offices and called upon all 
able-bodied Jews to do their duty. There was a prompt 
response, so much so that at times the military authorities 
were unable to cope with the rush of Jewish volunteers. 


While recruiting was going on in Palestine, Dr. Weiz- 
mann was endeavouring to secure the assent of the 
British Government to the raising of a Jewish Fighting 
Force. It was intended that such a Force should officially 

1 A collective term for tibe Jews in Palestine, meaning Eterally "settlement" or 

THE SECOND WORLD WAR, I 39-1 945 1 57 

represent the Jewish people (In addition to the Jews 
fighting in the ranks of all the United Nations) in a war 
that had first been launched against themselves, and 
that they should have their own flag. Dr. Weizmann first 
made his offer on December ist, 1939. In September, 
1940, the Government agreed to the formation of a 
Jewish Division in the West, consisting of Jewish volun- 
teers from America and other free countries, including 
a number of Palestinians. But six months later con- 
sideration of the offer was postponed on the alleged 
ground of the lack of equipment, and in August, 1941, 
it was definitely declined on the alleged ground of new 
technical difficulties. As any such difficulties could have 
been overcome, it was generally understood that the 
rejection was due mainly to political reasons in other 
words, to the fear that a Jewish fighting force might 
arouse the resentment of the Arabs. After many months 
of continued agitation for a Jewish Force, conducted on 
both sides of the Atlantic and supported in the British 
Dominions, the Government, on August 7th, 1942, 
announced their decision (i) to create a Palestine 
Regiment consisting of separate Jewish and Arab 
infantry battalions for general service in the Middle 
East, (2) to expand the Palestine Volunteer Force (open 
only to British and Palestinian subjects) to a maximum 
of 2,000, and (3) to complete the establishment of the 
Jewish Rural Special Police by the enrolment of 2,500 
additional recruits, requisite training staff, officers, arms, 
and equipment to be provided by the Commander-in- 
Chief, Middle East. 

Although there were twice as many Arabs as Jews in 
the country, there were, at the end of August, 1944, 
23,500 Palestinian Jewish volunteers (including 2,800 
women in the A.T.S.), as against 8,000 Arabs, in various 
units of the British defence forces. There were nearly 
4,000 in the infantry and as many in the Royal Army 
Service Corps, over 3,000 in the Pioneer Corps and 
nearly that number in the Royal Engineers, over 2,100 
in the R.A.F., 1,050 in the Royal Navy, over 600 in the 


Royal Artillery, and over 500 In the Port Operating 
Company. The vast majority of these men and women 
were serving in 60 Jewish units., which were originally 
under the command of British officers and N.C.Os., 
but eventually there were 300 Jewish officers. In addition 
to the Jews in the fighting ranks, about 6,000 Jews 
served throughout the war in full-time home defence 
formations as part of the Palestine Police, which was 
proclaimed a military force in June, 1942, and 17,000 
other Jews joined a part-time rural defence formation. 

As the pay given to Palestinian Jewish soldiers was only 
two-thirds of the British rate, and their wives and 
children received allowances on the same scale, the 
Jewish Agency, apart from taking political steps to 
remedy the situation, set up a Welfare Committee to aid 
soldiers' families and provide comforts for the troops. 
Later, in conjunction with the Vaad Leumi y it created the 
War Services Fund to assist soldiers' families, provide 
comforts for soldiers and supernumerary police, par- 
ticipate in the budget for security, and centralise the 
financial aid of the Tishuv for refugees. It raised a few 
million pounds, part of which was spent on the rescue 
of Jews from Europe. 


The persistent advocacy of a Jewish Fighting Force, in 
face of the apparent indifference in official quarters, at 
last triumphed. Three years after the scheme had been 
turned down, the British Government announced, on 
September igth, 1944, that they had decided to form a 
Jewish Brigade Group, based on the Jewish battalions of 
the Palestine Regiment, to take part in active operations. 
They stated that they had acceded to the request of the 
Jewish Agency in coining to this decision, and that the 
Jewish Agency had been invited to co-operate in the 
realisation of the scheme. The Prime Minister (Mr. 
Churchill), speaking in the House of Commons on 
September 28th, said: 

THE SECOND WORLD WAR, 1939-1945 159 

"It seems to me indeed appropriate that a special Jewish unit, 
a special unit of that race which has suffered indescribable torments 
from the Nazis, should be represented as a distinct formation among 
the forces gathered for their final overthrow, and I have no doubt 
that they will not only take part in the struggle^ but also in the 
occupation which will follow." 

The announcement was received with considerable 
gratification both in Palestine and among all sections of 
the Jewish people. An impetus was given to recruiting in 
Palestine, and many Jewish refugees in Great Britain and 
other parts, including the Mauritius Island, rallied to 
the Jewish flag, which was accorded official recognition. 
Brigadier Ernest F. Benjamin was appointed as the 
Commanding Officer of the Jewish Brigade Group. 
Members of the Jewish Brigade had a blue- white-blue 
shoulder flash, with the Shield of David in gold, accom- 
panied by the designation "Jewish Brigade Group 5 ' and 
the initials of the Hebrew equivalent (Hatwah Yehudith 
Lohemeth}. The Brigade went into action on the Italian 
front in the spring of 1945^ and fought until the German 
surrender, without losing prisoners. It captured many 
German prisoners, and 43 of its members were killed 
and buried in the Bolzano Cemetery. 


Among the factors that helped to overcome the official 
opposition to a Jewish fighting unit was undoubtedly the 
gallant conduct of the Jewish soldiers of Palestine, who 
had already done service on all the fronts in the Near and 
Middle East. They had fought from Libya to Tunisia, in 
Abyssinia and Eritrea, in Greece, Syria, and Italy. Their 
valour had evoked praise from all their Commanding 
Officers, but unfortunately they had received no credit 
for individual exploits in official announcements, which 
always used the geographical term "Palestinian" with- 
out any indication as to whether Jews or Arabs were 
meant. With regard to the first campaigns in North 
Africa, Field-Marshal Wavell stated that "they performed 


fine work, pre-eminently at Sldi Barrani, Sollum, Fort 
Capuzzo, Bardia, and Tobruk." In the fighting on 
the Egyptian frontier in 1942, Palestinian Jewish units 
of the Royal Engineers and of the Transport Companies 
played an important part in carrying troops to the for- 
ward battle areas, in the construction of fortified strong 
points at El Alamein, and in the laying of minefields. 
Magnificent work was done by Jewish drivers, upon 
whose courage, promptness., and precision the supply of 
vital material for the advanced troops depended. One 
Jewish water-tank company performed an exemplary 
service in carrying 500,000 gallons of water to the front 
lines across the trackless wastes of the Western Desert, 
day and night, for months without pause. The men were 
sometimes under fire from enemy air and ground forces, 
but they persevered without flinching. 

The first Camouflage Company of the Eighth Army, 
consisting mainly of Palestinian Jews, were mentioned in 
despatches by Field-Marshal Montgomery and praised 
by Mr. Churchill in a review of the Army's victorious 
advance. Brigadier Frederick H. Kisch, C.B.E., D.S.O., 
Chief Engineer of the Eighth Army (a former Chairman 
of the Jewish Agency Executive in Jerusalem) was killed 
in the march towards Sousse, in Tunisia, in April, 1943. 
In Eritrea the Palestinians distinguished themselves in 
the battle for Keren. About 300 of them (three-fifths 
Jews), thanks to their toughness and daring, were selected 
for dangerous service in Abyssinia. They operated in 
so-called "suicide squads/ 3 demolished enemy fortifica- 
tions night after night, and brought back valuable 


In Greece there were many Palestinian Jews with the 
[LA.F., the Royal Engineers, and the Pioneer Corps, 
whose bravery earned the praise of Field-Marshal 
Wavell and Air Marshal d'Albiac. Several hundreds 
were with the last 7,000 R.A.F. men to leave Greece 
altar sticcessMly covering the retreat in the final days of 

THE SECOND WORLD WAR, 1 939-1 945 l6l 

the evacuation, and afterwards many fought in Crete, 
There were 1^444 Palestinians among the 10,000 British 
troops missing in Greece and Crete, and of that total 
1,023 were Jews and the rest Arabs. When the campaign 
in Syria began, 50 young Jewish settlers with an intimate 
knowledge of the district near its Palestinian frontier 
were chosen to carry out preparatory reconnoitring and 
accompany the Australian vanguard, to whom they 
rendered valuable services as guides and behind the 
enemy lines. The Palestinian contingent helped the 
Allied forces in recapturing Kuneitra, the key position 
on the main road from Safed to Damascus. One Jewish 
group, which, under the command of a British officer^ 
undertook a particularly daring task, was completely 
wiped out (The Times., March 4th, 1943). General Sir 
Henry Maitland Wilson, who was in charge of the 
expedition, afterwards stated that he "much appreciated 
the assistance rendered by Jews in this campaign/' 


Considerable help was also given by Jews in the Navy 3 
in transport service, and in connection with public 
works. The youths trained at the various Jewish nautical 
institutions at Tel Aviv and Haifa immediately volun- 
teered for the motor-boat crews raised for the R.A.F., 
and served at war-time stations all over the Middle East. 
Many Jewish skilled mechanics joined the British Navy, 
and their ability and diligence earned them the apprecia- 
tion of their Commanding Officers. At least 12 Palestine 
Jews obtained Commissions in the Navy. The Tishuv had 
its own small fleet, part of which, consisting of motor and 
sailing boats, kept up coastal traffic between Palestine 
and the neighbouring countries. A central freight trans- 
port co-operative was forftied, comprising a fleet of 850 
trucks; drivers from the transport co-operatives and the 
settlements joined the various transport units; and a 
special unit was formed of Jewish drivers with their own 
vehicles. The construction of military camps, hospitals, 



fortifications, and roads was greatly facilitated by the 
existence of a large Jewish labour force, skilled in all 
branches of building, together with the necessary staff of 
engineers, technicians, and foremen. The fortification 
works in the North of Palestine, which were necessary 
before the British troops advanced into Syria, were 
constructed by 8,000 to 10,000 Jewish workers employed 
day and night. 


Over 500 Palestinian Jewish soldiers, serving in the 
British armed forces either in uniform or on special 
missions, lost their lives in the Second World War. 
Thirty-six Jews from Palestine (including some girls), 
who undertook intelligence and partisan missions in 
Nazi occupied territory, were dropped by parachute into 
Italy, Rumania, Bulgaria, Greece, Slovakia, and Yugo- 
slavia. Their task was to get into contact with Jewish 
partisans, to organise intelligence, and to help in the 
rescue of Jews and of escaping Allied prisoners of war. 
Seven were murdered in the performance of their heroic 
missions. A group of 23 Jewish volunteers under the 
command of a British officer, were sent by motor-launch 
to blow up the oil installations at Tripoli (Lebanon) in 
1941, and all lost their lives. Between 1941 and 1945 
forty-one Palestinian Jewish soldiers died or were 
murdered as prisoners in Germany. All gave up their 
lives in the belief that the victory of the Allies would 
usher in a new and better era for the Land of Israel. 


Important contributions were also made in various 
branches of the economic field. Thanks to the efforts of 
the Economic Council set up by the Jewish Agency, a 
few million pounds were devoted to agricultural and 
industrial developments, so as to increase the food pro- 
duction of the country and expand industries useful for 
war needs. Between the end of 1939 and 1945 the Jewish 


National Fund acquired another 340,000 dunams, which 
was put under cultivation; large-scale reclamation and 
drainage work was carried out in the Haifa Bay, the 
Beisan Valley, and the Huleh area; and wells were bored 
and water supplies installed in several settlements in the 
Haifa Bay district. Forty new agricultural settlements 
were created and some old-established ones extended. 
New cultures were introduced (soya beans, ground nuts, 
Australian and Moroccan soft wheat) ; the irrigated area 
covered by mixed farming was largely increased; sheep 
breeding was expanded; and the output of dairy produce, 
vegetables, and other agricultural products rose sub- 
stantially. The Imperial and Allied Forces stationed in or 
based on Palestine were supplied with a great deal of 
their food requirements from the soil of the country, 
and much of it was grown on Jewish farmsteads by 
Jewish hands. 


In the field of industry there was an even more im- 
pressive picture. Of the 2,000 factories and workshops 
owned by Jews, a large number were engaged in the 
manufacture of war materials. Many were enlarged, and 
over 400 new factories and workshops were built, 
mainly by refugees from Germany and other Nazi- 
oppressed countries, who brought with them not only 
technical experience and knowledge of patent processes, 
but also in many cases their own mechanical equipment. 
The large number of metal, electrical, timber, textile, 
leather, cement, and chemical works were mainly 
devoted to war requirements. There were three spinning 
mills working night and day on the manufacture of 
cotton drill for military uniforms, a wool spinning mill 
at Ramath Gan, and steel smelting works at Haifa. 
Many factories were rapidly switched over from peace 
time to war production. Moreover, a large food industry 
furnished all kinds of supplies for the Army, and there 
was a growing pharmaceutical industry. Palestine's 
synthetic drugs, sera, and vaccines were also available 


for the Army, while the provision of electric light and 
power, and the supply of potash, bromine, and other 
chemicals from the Dead Sea were invaluable. The 
extent of the industrial advance from 1939 to 1945 was 
shown by the increase of the value of production from 
about 12,000,000 to 55,000,000; while the number 
employed in industry rose from 19,000 to over 50,000. 
The extent to which Industry worked for the war effort 
was evidenced by the fact that in 1940 the total value of 
military orders was 1,000,000, but in 1944 It had 
increased to 40,000,000. 


The Jews of Palestine also made Important scientific 
and technical contributions to the war effort. The 
laboratories and scientific staff of the Hebrew University 
and the Haifa Technical Institute were placed at the 
disposal of the military authorities. At the University 
special courses In parasitology and tropical medicine 
were held for the medical officers of the British and 
Australian Forces, and the Parasitology Department 
provided sera for the prevention and cure of typhoid and 
other tropical diseases. A new and more economical 
technique for fighting typhus was perfected by a group 
of Jewish scientists, mainly German refugees, and offered 
to the British Government for use in the Middle East. 
The University, In conjunction with the Hadassah 
Hospital and Medical Centre, also arranged courses in 
war surgery and camp sanitation for military physicians. 
Its meteorological laboratory supplied the military 
authorities with air data for weather reports, covering 
the entire area between the Caucasian mountains and 
Lower Egypt, and Its physiological laboratory produced 
vitamins and hormones for local pharmaceutical firms 
to satisfy the needs both of the civilian population and 
the troops. The Technical Institute co-operated with the 
Royal Engineers in the testing of building materials and 
in discovering local substitutes for materials that could 


not be imported during the war. Its electrical labora- 
tories prepared and repaired instruments and motors for 
the Army and Navy, as well as for industries supplying 
war materials. The Daniel Sieff Research Institute at 
Rehovoth, founded by Dr. Weizxnann, produced acetone 
and butyl alcohol by fermentation,, both important war 
chemicals. It also established a pharmaceutical factory 
for the production of certain drugs, such as synthetic 
anti-malarias and hypnotics, which were badly needed 
owing to the lack of quinine, formerly obtained from the 
Dutch East Indies. 


While the Tishuv was putting forth every effort in 
furtherance of the Allied cause, its numbers were being 
slowly increased by immigration, despite all the diffi- 
culties and dangers of travel created by the spreading of 
the war. New routes from Europe had to be devised and 
traversed to circumvent the obstacles. Negotiations were 
conducted by the Jewish Agency with the Governments 
of Soviet Russia and Turkey for transit visas to enable 
the refugees to pass through those countries. One 
contingent of refugees aroused an unusual degree of 
pathetic interest: it consisted of 800 children, mainly 
from Germany and Poland, and many of them orphans, 
whose toilsome journey had led from Russia to Teheran, 
and thence, owing to Iraq's inhumane refusal to grant 
transit, by the longest route through the Arabian and 
Red Seas. These children were brought to Palestine 
under the auspices of the Youth Aliyah Organisation, 
which was formed in 1933 for the purpose of saving the 
young from the Nazi terror. It was the joint creation of 
a German Jewess, Recha Freier, and an American 
Jewess, Henrietta Szold, both endowed with a notable 
combination of humanitarianism, foresight, and courage. 
Thanks to their persistent efforts, over 12,000* children 
were delivered from Hitler's clutches and brought to 

i The number transferred by the end of 1950 was over 46,000. 


their ancestral land to receive loving care, education, 
and occupational training. Some groups of Jewish 
women and children, who had formerly lived in Palestine 
were brought back from Europe in exchange for some 
German subjects domiciled in Palestine; several hund- 
reds of other Jews, who were not Palestinian citizens, 
were also rescued from the Continent and brought to 
their National Home. 


The Jewish Agency was unremitting in its endeavours 
to secure the departure of Jews, particularly of children, 
from the Balkan countries, Hungary, Vichy France, and 
the Iberian Peninsula; but, owing to the hostility of the 
German Government and its grip over its satellites, 
and the lack of co-operation on the part of the British 
authorities, their efforts met with scant success. There 
was a natural anxiety lest the quota of 75,000 immigrants 
allowed by the White Paper might not be reached by 
April, 1944, the date beyond which, according to that 
document, there could be no further admission of Jews 
unless the Arabs acquiesced. This anxiety was allayed 
by the announcement made on November loth, 1943, 
in the House of Commons, by the Colonial Secretary, 
Colonel Oliver Stanley, that there were still 31,000 to 
be admitted and there would be no time limit. Nearly 
a year later, on October 5th, 1944, he informed the 
Jewish Agency that permission had been given to use 
10,300 immigration certificates remaining under the 
White Paper for Jews coming from liberated or non- 
enemy countries, to be distributed at the rate of 1,500 
monthly. The Agency Executive urged that there should 
be no monthly limit, but the request was refused. Despite 
all the difficulties and obstacles, during the first five years 
of the war about 50,000 Jewish refugees had succeeded 
in reaching Palestine, most of them originating from 

Apart from the constant anxiety about the fate of their 

THE SECOND WORLD WAR, I 939^1 45 1 67 

Hnsfolk in the European inferno, the Tiskuv were not a 
little perturbed about their own future. The White Paper 
hovered over them like a spectre, and indications 
accumulated that emphasised its menace. The author- 
ities exercised a rigorous censorship, which was due not 
to considerations for the country's security, but to their 
resolve to stifle any discussion about future policy. On 
March 23rd, 19435 t ' ie High Commissioner, Sir Harold 
MacMichael, broadcast a speech on post-war recon- 
struction in Palestine, which was based upon the 
assumption that the White Paper was to prevail. His 
address produced a feeling of profound disquiet among 
the Jews, because it utterly ignored the vital part that 
they, in common with Jews throughout the world, con- 
sidered that the country should play in the post-war 
settlement of the Jewish question. This uneasiness was 
intensified a few months later by slanderous attacks 
made upon them in the course of two trials at the Military 
Court in Jerusalem. 


In the first trial, in August, 1943, two British soldiers, 
with criminal records, were sentenced to fifteen years* 
imprisonment each for smuggling arms and ammunition 
into Palestine. The counsel for their defence, a British 
officer, tried to extenuate their guilt by indulging in 
sweeping accusations against the Jewish people, the 
Yishuv, the Jewish Agency and its Chairman, and the 
Jewish soldiers serving with the British Forces in the 
Middle East. This tirade of defamation was even sur- 
passed in the second trial, in which two Jews were 
sentenced to seven and ten years' imprisonment respec- 
tively on the charge of arms smuggling, and in which the 
principal witnesses were the British soldiers convicted 
in the first case. The prosecutor repeated the aspersions 
made in the former trial, and included the Haganah and 
Histadruth in his fantastic diatribe. He alleged the 
existence of "a powerful, sinister organisation/' whose 


aim was the possession of unlimited arms, and who 
awaited cc the opportunity to sabotage the war effort.** 
He said that the Jews in Palestine took no interest in the 
war until the German forces had reached El Alamein 
(October, 1942), and that the Jews in the British forces 
were "a canker in the military organism in the Middle 

This astonishing tissue of falsehood and calumny was 
denounced at a meeting of the Elected Assembly 
(Asefath Hanivharim}^ at which the Chairman of the 
Jewish Agency Executive, David Ben-Gurion, stig- 
matised it as a political manoeuvre to discredit and even 
provoke the Tishuv and thus ensure the enforcement of 
the White Paper. He declared that the sentences on the 
Jews, in the light of all the evidence available, were a 
miscarriage of justice, and that far more publicity had 
been officially organised for their trial than had been 
given to previous trials in which Arabs had been 
convicted of stealing arms. As for the Haganah, Ben- 
Gurion declared that this Jewish self-defence organisa- 
tion, the existence of which had been known to the 
authorities for years, would continue to be maintained, 
not for any aggression, but for the sole purpose of the 
defence of the Tishuv, since they could not depend upon 
any other power. 1 


The spirit of anti-Jewish hostility displayed in these 
arms trials was vented further in the passing of a sentence 
of seven years 3 imprisonment on a Palestinian Jew for 
possessing two bullets, although he had a licence to 
carry a revolver. This judgment was in glaring contrast 
to sentences of a few months passed on two Arabs, each 

Palestine Royal Commission stated (Report) p. 201): "If there is one 
grievance which the Jews have undoubted right to prefer, it is the absence of 
security." At a meeting of the Permanent Mandates Commission, on August and, 
I937> tfce Colonial Secretary, Mr. Ormsby-Gore (now Lord Harlech), paid a 
tribute to the self-restraint exercised by the Jews in the face of great aggression and 
said: **We cannot deny, and we see no reason to deny, that the Jews themselves 
have already organised . . . the Hagmah 

THE SECOND WORLD WAR, 1939-1945 1 69 

convicted of possessing a British rifle and many rounds 
of ammunition. There soon followed a worse act of 
provocation. On November i6th, 1943, British police, 
together with Indian troops and personnel of the 
British Provost, carried out a search of Ramath Hako- 
vesh, a collective settlement in the Valley of Sharon. 
The police wounded a settler, who died a few days later, 
and arrested 35 others. The Government stated that the 
search was the result of reports that "certain deserters 
from the Polish Army were harboured at Ramath 
Hakovesh, and that, at this settlement, there was a 
training camp of a unit of an illegal organisation, and 
that illegal arms were concealed there/' The only out- 
come of the search, according to the vague official 
statement, was that " certain military equipment was 
found in a camp within the perimeter of the settlement/' 
After Jewish mass meetings of protest were held, the 
arrested settlers were released without any charge being 
brought against them. Even stronger indignation was 
aroused by the trial of seven settlers from Huldah in the 
following month, before a military court in Jerusalem, 
on the charge of the illegal possession of bombs and 
cartridges. Their counsel pleaded that these arms were 
solely for defence, as many of their comrades had been 
killed in Arab disorders, and the Kvutzah had had to be 
rebuilt three times. Nevertheless, the seven men were 
sentenced to terms of imprisonment ranging from two to 
seven years. 


Thus, 26 years after the Jewish people had acclaimed 
the Balfour Declaration as the Charter for the recon- 
stitution of their National Home, those who had been 
the most active in its establishment were harried and 
traduced by official representatives of the Power respon- 
sible for the fulfilment of the Declaration. It was a 
situation utterly lacking in reason and justice, for the 
Jews were the only people in the Near and Middle East 
who had, from the very start, volunteered to fight in the 


war for civilisation, and they were now besmirched and 
subjected to discrimination to please the Arabs, who had 
refrained from helping in the struggle, but wished to 
benefit by its victory. It was the fruit of the policy of 
appeasement, which might have been condoned in 1939 
on the ground of expediency, but had no justification 
whatever after five years of war and more. The Tishuv 
refused to bow to that policy or to give up any of the 
aspirations by which they had been upborne through all 
the toil and turmoil of a quarter of a century. They were 
resolved to face the future undaunted, hopeful that the 
exasperations and humiliations to which they had been 
exposed would pass like an evil dream, and that, when 
all the bloodshed was over, and reason and justice 
returned to their own, their cause would prevail. 




E civil administration of Palestine by the British 
Mandatory, extending from July, 1920, to May, 
19485 witnessed an extraordinary measure of all-round 
progress in the Jewish National Home, although this 
could have been much greater still if more abundant 
funds had been available and the Government had not 
put on the brake. The National Home had developed 
physically and spiritually, and Jewish life in Palestine 
had acquired all the multiple facets of a highly organised 
community. The Jewish population at the end of the 
Mandatory regime was estimated at 660,000, forming 
about 32 per cent, of the total population. It was thus 
over four times as large as in 1929, when it was 160,000, 
and twelve times as large as at the end of 1918, when 
it stood at 55,000. One-third of Palestinian Jewry was 
concentrated in Tel-Aviv, which, with a population of 
220,000, had grown at a phenomenal rate. It was the 
only all-Jewish city in the world, with all its public 
services from the magistracy and police to transport 
and scavenging in the hands of Jews. About one-fourth 
of the Yishuv lived in the rural areas. The increase of the 
population, which had been at a rate unparalleled in any 
other part of the world, had been primarily due to 
immigration. Under the Mandate the number of Jews 
who settled in Palestine was close upon 500,000. Owing 
to the comparatively large influx in the years before the 
war, building was very active in both town and country. 
The number of Jews engaged in building and public 
works in 1947 was about 18,000. 



The progress of the Jewish National Home was notably 
marked by an increase in the amount of land in Jewish 
ownership, in the expansion of industrial and commercial 
activity, and in the growth of the educational and health 
services. The extent of land in Jewish possession, all 
acquired by purchase, amounted in the spring of 1948 
to 1,950,000 dunams, which was equivalent to 7*4 per 
cent, of the total area of Western Palestine (26,323,000 
dunams). Of this Jewish land about half was the property 
of the Jewish National Fund, which, with the aid of the 
Keren Hayesod, had effected great changes in the land- 
scape, especially in the Valley of Jezreel, the Coastal 
Plain, Galilee, and the Plain of Sharon.* The J.N.F. had 
carried out considerable afforestation by planting 5 
million trees in 67 localities, and thus transformed the 
appearance of the hill-country in Judaea, Samaria, and 
Galilee. The number of agricultural settlements estab- 
lished on its land reached the total of 300, an advance 
that was attended by an increase in productivity and a 
reduction in the size of individual holdings. Before 1914 
the average size of a Jewish holding was 240 dunams: 
this was gradually diminished to 100 dunams, and then 
eventually, in irrigated areas, to 20 dunams. In addition 
to the three types of settlement already described (in 
Chapter VIII), a fourth had also developed, the Moshav 
Shitufi, a non-communal collective settlement based on 
the family (unlike the kvutzah or kibbutz, based on the 
individual), and in which wages were paid. 2 

The most extensive development had taken place in 
the growing of citrus fruit. Between the two wars the 
area under orange cultivation increased from 30,000 to 
300,000 dunams, of which 160,000 belonged to Jewish 

1 The total area of Israel in January, 1950, was 20,662 sq. kilometres (compared 
with 27,000 sq. kilometres, the total area of Palestine under the Mandate). 

2 The influx of immigrants during 1948-50 gave rise to new forms of settlement, 
including the Moshaa Qlim (immigrants' settlement), Kfar Awdah (Government 
work village) and Maa&arah (temporary ixaming work camp), in all of which 
iimnigrants axe gainfully employed. The total number of settlements of all kinds 
at &e end of 1950 was 530, 


planters, who also introduced the growing of grape-fruit 
and lemons. Citrus products once formed nearly 80 per 
cent, of the country's exports, and about two-thirds of 
the annual crop went to Great Britain, but the war 
caused a reduction in the area cultivated. There was 
also, before the war, a large increase of vegetable grow- 
ing and dairy produce by Jewish farmers. The aggregate 
sales of agricultural and dairy produce by the Jewish 
Co-operative Society, "Tnuvah," rose from .210,000 
in 1934 to ;*5 5 9i8,QOO in 1945-1946 a nearly thirty-fold 
increase within twelve years. 


In the field of industry there were striking develop- 
ments, thanks largely to the immigration of industrialists, 
scientists, inventors, engineers, and trained craftsmen 
from Germany, Austria, and Czechoslovakia, who 
brought with them not only capital and technical skill, 
but also, in many cases, patent processes and the 
requisite plant. Among the industries introduced in 
recent years are cinema films and iron safes, boats and 
armoured cars, refrigerators and agricultural machinery, 
glass and rubber, electrical, scientific and precision 
instruments, steel and alloys, heavy and fine chemicals, 
diamond polishing and zincography. The diamond- 
polishing trade was created by refugees from Antwerp 
and Amsterdam, and employed at one time over 4,000 
workers. There were altogether 7,000 Jewish factories, 
workshops and establishments engaged in handicrafts, 
which employed over 65,000 persons and had an annual 
output of 40,000,000. Industrial progress was greatly 
furthered by the electric power-houses established by 
Pinhas Rutenberg; the number of kw.h. units that they 
supplied increased from 5^ millions in 1930 to over 280 
millions in 1947.* Another industry of far-reaching 
importance was the extraction of the mineral deposits 
of the Dead Sea, originally conceived before the First 

1 The number of kw.h units sold in 1949 was over 315 millions. 


World War by another Russian Jewish engineer, Mr, M. 
Novomeysky. There were two plants, one at each end of 
the lake, capable of producing over 100,000 tons of 
potash per annum. The Dead Sea was the only place 
under British control that yielded this mineral salt, 
besides other mineral products, and they occupied the 
second place in the list of Palestine's exports. 

Commerce, too, received a powerful impetus from the 
Jewish resettlement. It was reflected in the establishment 
of branches of most of the leading banks, shipping com- 
panies and insurance companies of Europe and America; 
in the busy traffic In the harbour of Haifa, which was 
opened in 1933; and in the construction, five years later, 
of the port of Tel- Aviv, due entirely to Jewish enterprise, 
capital, and labour. The Tishuv took an ever-increasing 
interest in maritime affairs* There were Jewish shipyards 
at Tel-Aviv and Haifa, the Jewish youth were being 
attracted to the sea as a career, and there were even 
Jewish divers. The Jewish fishing industry was making 
good progress, thanks partly to the fishermen who 
migrated from Salonika. An outstanding feature of 
Jewish economic life in Palestine consisted of the co- 
operative movement, which included all trades and 
embraced over one-third of the Jewish population. In 
1946 the principal consumers* co-operative had a turn- 
over of 4,325,000; the producers' and transport co- 
operatives together had a capital of 1,600,000, and a 
turnover of 53840,000; and the central society for 
co-operative contracting, Solel Boneh, carried out works 
to the value of 4,500,000. 


The principal financial instrument of the Jewish 
Agency for the development of Palestine was the Keren 
Hayesod (Foundation Fund), which, since its establish- 
ment, had raised about 20,000,000 by voluntary con- 
tributions from Jews in all parts of the world. The 
budget of the Jewish Agency adopted just before the 


war was 720,000; for the year 1946-1947 It had risen to 
15,500,000. The Income of the Jewish National Fund 
since its creation was over i 5,000,000. The total 
expenditure of all Zionist organisations and institutions 
(including the K.H. and J.N.F.) in Palestine, from 1918 
to 1948, was over 30,000,000. The Anglo-Palestine 
Bank had an authorised capital of 1,000,000, of which 
860,000 was paid up, and there were various other 
banks (such as the General Mortgage Bank, Jewish 
Agricultural Bank, and Jewish Workers 1 Bank), besides 
commercial bodies participating in the work of recon- 
struction (such as the Economic Board for Palestine, 
the American Palestine Economic Corporation, and 
others) . The total amount of Jewish capital brought 
into the country from the beginning of the British 
occupation could be moderately estimated at over 


Jewish life in Palestine had now acquired all the 
multiple facets of a highly organised community. Apart 
from the unparalleled progress in the main spheres of 
economic activity, there had been ceaseless creative 
effort in the intellectual and spiritual domains in the 
fields of education and culture, of literature and journal- 
ism, of music and drama, of science and art. And the 
diversity of the national renaissance was reflected further 
in manifold developments in social, political, and 
religious life, as well as in the public health system and 

The Tishuv had in the past quarter of a century de- 
veloped an elaborate and efficient organisation for the 
promotion of health. Its total expenditure on health 
work in 1945 was 2,400,000, towards which the 
Government gave a grant of 47,000. The Kupath Holim 
(Sick Fund of the Jewish Labour Federation) had a 
paying membership of 120,000 in 1946, when it had a 
budget of 1,800,000, and had a total staff of 2,000 


working In 323 centres (with over 800 beds in Its hos- 
pitals and convalescent homes). 1 

The outstanding achievement in the cultural sphere 
was the revival of Hebrew as a living tongue. It was the 
language of the school and the home, of the factory and 
the bank, of the theatres and the Press, of public meet- 
ings and the University. Its vocabulary was steadily 
enriched under the expert direction of a "Language 
Board/' so as to respond to all the latest needs of modern 

The organised educational system under the control 
of the Vaad Leumi comprised 760 schools with over 
93,000 pupils and 4,000 teachers, and embraced 78 per 
cent, of the Jewish school population (which numbered 
119,000). It had 36 secondary schools, 8 teachers* 
colleges, and 5 trade schools. 2 Agricultural training was 
provided at special schools, some of them maintained 
by the W.I.Z.O. and one by the Jewish Farmers* 
Association* Technical training of an advanced character 
was provided at the Haifa Technical Institute (com- 
prising a College of Technology, a Technical High 
School, and a Nautical School) . The crowning feature of 
the educational system was the Hebrew University, a 
great institution of research and learning, consisting not 
only of faculties of humanities, mathematics, science, and 
medicine, but also of Institutes of Jewish Studies and 
Oriental Studies. Two important adjuncts of the 
University were the Jewish National Library, which 
contained over 400,000 volumes, and a Museum of 
Archaeology. The university staff of 150 professors, 
lecturers, and research assistants, included many distin- 
guished scholars, whose work had previously enhanced 
the repute of their respective countries, while they were 
now able to render a specific Jewish contribution to 

* At the end of 1950 the Kupath Holim had a membership of 600,000, a yearly 
expenditure of 4,500,000, a staff of 4,200 (including 950 doctors), **> clinics, 
and seven hospitals. 

* The Hebrew educational system of Israel at the end of 1950 comprised 1,600 
schools, 8,370 teachers, and 166,600 pupils. Besides the three trends described 
on p. im there was a fourth that of the ultra-orthodox Agudath Israel. There 
were also ninety Arab schools, with 500 teachers and 25,000 pupils. 


human progress and likewise to advance the fame of 
Jewish culture, 1 Jewish scholarship was fostered also by 
the Bialik Foundation, which is devoted to the publica- 
tion or support of literary and scientific works of national 
and cultural importance, and by the Kook Institute, 
founded in memory of a former Chief Rabbi of Palestine^ 
which publishes works of religious interest, both ancient 
and modern. 


In no sphere of intellectual labour was there such an 
abundance of creative activity as in that of literature, 
where aH sort of writers novelists and poets, phil- 
osophers, historians, and essayists were giving birth to 
a variety of works of imagination, criticism^ and scholar- 
ship. Palestine had become the most important and 
prolific centre for the production of Hebrew letters at 
the present day, and, for its size, it probably contained 
more authors and journalists than any other national 
community on earth. There were seven Hebrew dailies, 
representing different political parties, 2 and a veritable 
plethora of weekly, monthly, and other periodicals, 
devoted to the interests of every religious section, political 
group, and economic or professional association. 

The creative spirit of the Jew had also found expres- 
sion in art, drama, and music. Several painters from the 
Diaspora had produced striking works marked by the 
rich colouring of the Palestinian scene, which have been 
exhibited in the leading galleries of many countries. The 
two principal theatrical companies were "Habimah/ 3 
which had already performed 70 plays, and the "Ohel" 
Labour Theatre, which travelled all over the country; 
and there were also a comedy theatre and an operatic 
company. The Palestine Symphony Orchestra 3 founded 
by Bronislaw Hubermann, and containing many brilliant 

1 At the end of 1950 the Hebrew University had 2,000 students, an academic 
staff of 290, and a yearly expenditure of 860,000. 

2 At the end of 1950 there were seventeen daily papers in Israel, of which 
eight morning and three evening papers appeared in Hebrew, and six morning 
papers in Arabic, English, French, German (two), and Hungarian. 

3 Now called the Israel Philharmonic Orchestra. 



musicians driven from Europe by Hitler 3 was the finest 
musical ensemble throughout the Near and Middle East* 


The Tishuv was made up of elements from so many 
different lands, and the successive waves of immigration 
during the past 25 years had been characterised by such 
contrasts, that it was as yet impossible to expect a 
homogeneous national community. There was a multi- 
plicity of political parties, a familiar feature of Jewish 
communities in Eastern Europe, revealing the presence 
of internal divisions in the Tishuv despite its common 
fundamental basis. The parties were by no means 
confined to those of the Zionist movement, for in muni- 
cipal, local council, and Kehillah (religious community) 
elections there were also candidates representing local 
economic interests such as the Farmers' Association and 
property owners. 1 

Nor was there uniformity in the matter of religious 
observance, any more than in the rest of Jewry. There 
were gradations in regard to ritual conformity, but 
Jewish tradition is held in general respect by all, and in 
no other country in the world can Judaism be lived and 
practised with a stricter fulfilment of Biblical commands 
and Talmudic prescriptions. There was no lack of 
synagogues in the cities or in most of the villages. The 
important part played by the Mizrachi was a guarantee 
of the observance of religious tradition in the institutions 
and establishments dependent upon Jewish public 
funds. The Sabbath and the Jewish festivals were 
observed as days of rest in all centres of Jewish popula- 
tion: all places of business were closed and traffic was 
suspended. In no city in the world was there such a 
general atmosphere of Sabbath repose and calm as in 
Tel-Aviv. The Sabbath had received a new content in 
the form of a weekly gathering initiated by the poet 
Bialik, under the name of Oneg Shabbat ("Sabbath 

1 For tlie poEtical patties in Israel, see p. 234. 


Pleasure 35 ) , at which popular speakers gave addresses on 
subjects of historical or literary interest; and these 
gatherings, at which readings were given from the 
Hebrew classics and national songs were sung, have 
become popular also in many other parts of the world. 
The three "pilgrim 3 * festivals of Passover., Pentecost, and 
Tabernacles, attracted large assemblies in Jerusalem. 
Some festivals had taken on a new form of celebration^ 
based partly on ancient tradition, and acquired an 
importance that they hardly enjoyed in the Diaspora* 
Thus were the historic days of old given fresh life and 
meaning in their ancient setting. 




THE end of the Second World War found the Jewish 
people In a tragic position. Six million Jews, forming 
two-thirds of those in Europe and over one-third of all 
the Jews In the world, had been exterminated in Hitler's 
concentration camps and gas-chambers. It was a loss 
that exceeded the total losses which the Jewish people 
had suffered by massacre throughout the 1,900 years of 
its dispersion, and one that both in respect of numbers 
and the character of its human composition surpassed 
the casualties of any of the United Nations. When news 
of Hitler's diabolical plan reached the Western world in 
the latter part of 1942, urgent and repeated appeals 
were made to Britain and the United States by the free 
Jewish communities, especially that of Palestine, to 
rescue all who could still be saved. There is no doubt that 
at that time scores of thousands of Jews in the Balkans, 
if not in other countries, could have been saved and 
brought to Palestine without affecting the fortunes of 
war in the least degree. But the only response to the 
appeals consisted of protestations of sympathy for the 
persecuted and threats of punishment for the persecutors, 
to be inflicted after the war. The Anglo-American 
Conference held in Bermuda in the spring of 1943 to 
devise a method of deliverance was fruitless, as the British 
Government would not allow, the consideration of 
Palestine as a possible asylum. Apart from the vast 
holocaust which European Jewry had suffered, hundreds 
of thousands of Jews, who, looking like skeletons after 
six years or more of torture, emerged from the foul 
camps, clamoured to be removed immediately and taken 
mainly to Palestine. A large proportion of the Jews who 


had escaped captivity in the camps and survived in 
Central and Eastern Europe were also desperately 
anxious to emigrate, owing to the atmosphere of race 
hatred that they felt around them, and the great 
majority likewise expressed a preference for the Jewish 
National Home. Furthermore 3 the Jews in the lands of 
North Africa and the Middle East had become exposed 
to violence and persecution, and to them also Palestine 
now appealed as the only possible refuge. Hence the 
problem confronting the leaders of the Zionist movement 
was much more formidable than they could have anti- 
cipated, and it called for a solution on a comprehensive 


At the end of the war British policy in Palestine was 
still represented by the White Paper of 1939, that 
iniquitous instrument of Arab appeasement, which 
throttled immigration and paralysed economic develop- 
ment. During the war the Prime Minister (Mr. Winston 
Churchill) would not commit himself in support of that 
document, which he had denounced so scathingly when 
it was submitted to the House of Commons,, but it 
nevertheless continued to inspire and dominate all the 
activities and plans of the Palestine Administration, 
despite the catastrophic aggravation of the Jewish 
problem in Europe. The Executive of the Jewish Agency 
therefore felt that it was necessary to formulate the 
ultimate aims of the Zionist movement before the war 
was over. A comprehensive solution of the Jewish pro- 
blem demanded the transfer of a substantial proportion 
of European Jewry to Palestine, and such an undertaking 
involved a large-scale development of Palestine's re- 
sources, which could be achieved only by endowing the 
Jewish National Home with the independence of a 
Jewish State. This view was first expounded publicly 
by Dr. Weizmann in an article in an American political 
review, 1 in which he wrote that the Jews in Palestine 

1 "Palestine's Role in the Solution of the Jewish Problem/* Foreign Affairs (New 
York), January, 1942. 


should be cc able to achieve their freedom and self- 
government by establishing a State of their own, and 
ceasing to be a minority dependent on the will and 
pleasure of other nations/ 5 This policy was given formal 
endorsement and general publicity < at a Conference of 
all Zionist parties and organisations in America held in 
May, 1942, at the Biltmore Hotel, New York City, at 
which a resolution was adopted demanding the opening 
of Palestine to Jewish immigration to be controlled by 
the Jewish Agency, in whom should be vested the 
authority so to develop the country "that Palestine be 
established as a Jewish Commonwealth, integrated in 
the structure of the new democratic world." This 
Biltmore Programme, as it was called, was confirmed 
by the Inner Committee of the Zionist General Council 
in the following November in Jerusalem. 

Two years later, when the magnitude of the catas- 
trophe of European Jewry was generally recognised, the 
Executive of the Jewish Agency submitted a Memoran- 
dum on October i6th, 1944, to the Mandatory Govern- 
ment, appealing to it to inaugurate a new era by 
drawing the logical conclusion from the Balfour Declara- 
tion as originally conceived and deciding upon the 
establishment in Palestine of a Jewish State. Dr. Weiz- 
mann personally discussed the matter with the Prime 
Minister, who replied that it would be dealt with at the 
end of the war with Germany. Two weeks after war was 
over, on May 22nd, 1945, Dr. Weizmann submitted to 
the Prime Minister a further Memorandum requesting 
"that an immediate decision be announced to establish 
Palestine as a Jewish State. 53 Mr. ChurchilPs response 
was that he saw no possibility of the Palestine question 
"being effectively considered until the victorious Allies 
are definitely seated at the Peace Table." Thereupon 
Dr. Weizmann expressed his disappointment, replied 
that he had always understood from his conversations 
with Mr. Churchill that the Palestine problem would 
be considered as soon as the German war was ended, 
and stressed the effects of the continuance of the White 


Paper policy upon the surviving remnants of European 
Jewry and the Tishw. Soon after this exchange of 
correspondence, the Coalition Government over which 
Mr. Churchill had presided for five years was dissolved 
and was succeeded by a Labour Government under 
Mr. C. R. Attlee. 


The change of Government was welcomed throughout 
the Zionist and, indeed, the Jewish world, as no political 
party in Britain had such a record of continued and 
enthusiastic support of Zionist aspirations since Decem- 
ber, 1917 (when it first declared itself in favour of a 
Jewish State) , as the Labour Party. Leading members 
of the Party had strongly condemned the White Paper 
when it was first discussed in the Commons in May, 
1939, and on many subsequent occasions. Mr. Herbert 
Morrison and Mr. Philip Noel-Baker had been par- 
ticularly scathing in their condemnation. 1 At the Labour 
Party Conference in London in December, 1944* Mr. 
Attlee moved a resolution concerning Palestine, not only 
demanding that Jews should enter "this tiny land in such 
numbers as to become a majority/ 5 but suggesting far 
more than the Jewish Agency had ever done that "the 
Arabs be encouraged to move out as the Jews move in/ 5 
and that "the possibility of extending the present ^Palest- 
inian boundaries, by agreement with Egypt, Syria, and 
Transjordan" be re-examined. On April 25th, 1945, this 
policy was reaffirmed by the Executive Committee of 
the Labour Party in a resolution requesting the Govern- 
ment "to remove the present unjustifiable barriers on 
immigration'*; and a month later Mr. Hugh Dalton, 
speaking for the National Executive Committee, urged 
that it was indispensable that steps be taken to secure 
"a free, happy, and prosperous Jewish State in Palestine. 33 

Zionist policy also enjoyed the sympathy and support 
of the two great political parties in the United States. 

i See p. 149. 


On the eve of the American Presidential Election In 
November, 1944.3 both the Democratic candidate, 
President Franklin D. Roosevelt, and the Republican, 
Governor Dewey, declared themselves in favour of the 
establishment in Palestine of "a free and democratic 
Jewish Commonwealth/ 5 and both promised that, if 
elected, they would help to bring about its realisation. 


It was, therefore, with a feeling of hopeful anticipation 
that Zionist delegates from all parts of the world met in 
London in August, 1945, for the first time since 1939, 
and endorsed the resolutions adopted by the Inner 
Zionist Council in 1942 and 1945 as well as the Mem- 
orandum submitted to the Government on May 22nd, 
1945. In conveying these resolutions to the Government, 
the Executive of the Jewish Agency in London also 
applied for 100,000 immigration certificates for Palestine 
for the benefit of part of the remnant of European Jewry. 
The Executive of the Agency in Jerusalem had, in the 
preceding June, addressed a similar appeal to the High 
Commissioner for 100,000 certificates, but received no 
reply. The request of the Executive in London was 
reinforced by a personal letter to the Prime Minister 
from President Truman, who, after receiving a report 
from his special envoy, Mr. Earl G. Harrison, on the 
wretched position of the Jewish refugees and displaced 
persons in Europe, urged the admission of 100,000 to 
Palestine. Neither the request of the Jewish Agency nor 
that of the President met with a favourable reply, nor 
even the promise of sympathetic consideration. Without 
vouchsafing the least glimmer of a reason for its brusque 
change of policy, the British Government now embarked 
upon a series of delaying manoeuvres, which lasted over 
two years and were characterised by the transfer of the 
Palestine question from the jurisdiction of the Colonial 
Office to that of the Foreign Office. 

On November I3th, 1945, Mr. Ernest Bevin, the 


Foreign Secretary., informed the House of Commons 
that the British and United States Governments had 
agreed to appoint a Joint Committee of Enquiry to 
investigate the problem of Palestine and European Jewry 
and to propose recommendations for their solution. The 
Government, he said, would consult the Arabs to ensure 
that there was no Interruption of Jewish immigration, 
which they had fixed at the monthly rate of 1,500; they 
would, after considering the ad interim recommendations 
of the Committee, "explore the possibility of devising 
other temporary arrangements for dealing with the 
Palestine problem"; and they would "prepare a per- 
manent solution for submission to the United Nations 
and, if possible, an agreed one." Mr. Bevin's statement, 
in view of the distressing situation of the Jews on the 
Continent, aroused widespread consternation among 
the Jewish people, which was all the greater because he 
did not offer the least explanation of the abandonment 
by the Labour leaders of their reiterated pledges. Al- 
though (and for obvious reasons) it was not publicly 
admitted, it was learned later that the Government, 
under the influence of their advisers, were actuated by 
considerations of strategy against possible Soviet expan- 
sion in the Middle East and also of the supply of oil in 
that region 1 (which they feared might be withheld by 
the Arab states). 


As the 75,000 immigration certificates allowed by the 
White Paper were exhausted by December, 1945, t* 16 
Government asked for the consent of the Arab states 
and the Arab Higher Committee in Palestine to the grant 
of further certificates for Jews. The Arab states had no 
right to a say in the internal affairs of Palestine, but the 
Government, having invited them to take part In the 
Conference of 1939 in London, continued to regard 

1 This was disclosed by Mr. Hartley Crum, an American member of the Anglo- 
American Committee, in his book describing the course and background of the 
enquiry, Behind the Silken Curtain. 


them as entitled to be consulted. The Arab states agreed, 
but the Arab Higher Committee refused. Thereupon., In 
February, 1946, the Government informed the Jewish 
Agency that 1,500 certificates a month for three months 
would be at their disposal, a quota that was subse- 
quently continued. Months before this step was taken, 
however, the Government organised the most elaborate 
measures against unauthorised entry into Palestine. An 
army of 100,000 men, supported by aeroplanes and 
destroyers, with the aid of radar stations, were employed 
to prevent any Jewish survivors of Nazi barbarism who 
were without certificates from slipping into their 
National Home. Never was a more ignoble war fought 
by a civilised Power against the hapless victims of 
persecution. It aroused the strongest resentment among 
the Tishuv, who considered themselves justified in doing 
their utmost to help their kinsfolk who had reached the 
coast of Palestine to evade the patrols. Hence there 
were clashes with the troops, causing not only increased 
bitterness, but bloodshed. Counter-measures were organ- 
ised by the Irgun ^pai Leumi (National Military Organ- 
isation) and another dissident body, the Stern Group, 1 
who committed acts of violence against Government and 
military buildings and personnel. This policy of terrorism 
was severely repudiated and condemned by the Jewish 
Agency and all other Jewish authorities, but all attempts 
to suppress it were in vain. 


The Anglo-American Committee, consisting of six 
British and six American members, conducted their 
enquiry from January to March, 1946. They heard 
witnesses in Washington, London, Jerusalem, and other 
cities in the Near East, besides visiting important Jewish 
centres on the Continent, including some camps of 

* The Irgun, an offshoot of the Revisionist Party, came into existence in 1936 as 
an underground "army of liberation" to fight for Jewish independence in Palestine. 
A small minority, with more extreme views, seceded in 1945 under the leadership 
of Abraham Stern, who was killed by the poEce. 


''displaced persons. 59 Their Report, which was unanim- 
ous s appeared at the end of April. Its two outstanding 
and positive recommendations were 3 first ? that 100,000 
Certificates be authorised immediately for Jews who had 
been victims of Nazi and Fascist persecution, that they 
be issued as far as possible in 1946, and that actual 
immigration be pushed forward as rapidly as possible; 
and, secondly, that the Land Transfers Regulations be 
rescinded and replaced by regulations based on a policy 
of freedom in the sale, lease, or use of land, irrespective 
of race, community, or creed. The Committee recom- 
mended that Palestine should be neither a Jewish nor an 
Arab State, that the government of the country should 
be continued under the Mandate, pending the execution 
of a trusteeship agreement under the United Nations, 
and that meanwhile immigration should be regulated in 
accordance with the provisions of Article 6 of the Man- 
date. The Committee estimated that as many as 500,000 
of the Jews in Europe "might wish or be impelled to 
emigrate from Europe," and as, in their opinion, Pales- 
tine alone could not absorb them all, they recommended 
the British and American Governments to find new homes 
for them. 


Although Mr. Bevin had promised the Anglo-Ameri- 
can Committee in London that, if their Report were 
unanimous, he would do his best to carry it out, 1 the 
Government immediately showed that they were unwil- 
ling to do so. Mr. Attlee told the House of Commons that 
they first wished to ascertain to what extent the United 
States would be prepared to share the military and 
financial responsibilities entailed by the execution of the 
Report, and that the 100,000 certificates would not be 
issued "unless and until the illegal armies maintained in 
Palestine have been disbanded and their arms sur- 
rendered/ 3 These evasive manoeuvres of the Govern- 

1 Hartley G. Cram, Behind the Silken Curtain, p. 61. Richard Grossman, Palestine 
Mission, p. 66, English edition; p. 57, American edition. 


merit, accompanied by the continued enforcement of the 
White Paper restrictions, interference with the personal 
liberties of the Tishuv, deportation of Jews to East Africa., 
requisition of Jewish property, and frequent curfews, 
provoked a feeling of rancour and revolt which found 
vent in a renewal of outrages. Unable to track down the 
terrorists, the Government and the military authorities, 
on a Sabbath night, June 2gth, made a raid upon the 
offices of the Jewish Agency in Jerusalem, seized huge 
quantities of documents, and arrested four members of 
the Executive and other Jewish leaders, who were 
interned in a camp at Latrun for four months. Military 
searches were carried out in many agricultural settle- 
ments and Jewish institutions, thousands of Jews were 
taken into custody, and hundreds were interned. By 
way of counter-action, the Irgun ^vai Leumi on July soth 
blew up part of the Government offices in the King 
David Hotel in Jerusalem, causing the deaths of many 
Jews, Arabs, and Britons. The outrage was vigorously 
denounced by the Jewish Agency and all Jewish bodies 
in Palestine, as well as by Zionist and other Jewish 
organisations throughout the world. 


The next step taken by the British Government was 
to arrange a discussion between some of its officials and 
some American officials in London on the technicalities 
involved in a large transportation of immigrants to 
Palestine. This was followed by a further discussion in 
London between representatives of a special United 
States Cabinet Committee and some British officials. 
The outcome of all these deliberations was a cantonisa- 
tion or "Provisional Autonomy 55 plan, which was out- 
lined by Mr. Herbert Morrison, Lord President of the 
Council, in the House of Commons on July 3ist, 1946. 
This plan proposed the division of Palestine into four 
areas -a Jewish province, an Arab province, the district 
of Jerusalem, and the district of the Negev. The Jewish 


province was to Include Eastern Galilee,, the Valley of 
Jezreel, and the coastal plain from Haifa to Tel-Aviv; 
the district of Jerusalem was to embrace the Holy City 
and Bethlehem; and the Negev district was to extend 
from Beersheba to Aqaba. The Arab province was to 
include all the remainder of Palestine. The Jewish and 
Arab provinces would each have an elected legislative 
chamber, and from the members of these chambers the 
High Commissioner would appoint two separate execu- 
tives. Bills passed by either chamber would require the 
assent of the High Commissioner. Immigration approved 
by either chamber would need the authority of the 
Central Government (under the High Commissioner), 
provided it did not exceed the economic absorptive 
capacity. As soon as it was decided to put into effect the 
schemes as a whole, the transfer of 100,000 Jews into the 
Jewish area could begin, and it was hoped to complete 
the operation within twelve months. Mr. Morrison 
announced that Jews and Arabs would be invited to 
a conference to discuss the plan. 

Meanwhile, despite all the measures taken by the 
British Government, ships laden with uncertificated 
Jews from Europe continued to reach the coast of 
Palestine. The Government therefore announced on 
August 1 3th, 1946, that all such immigrants would in 
future not be admitted, but deported to Cyprus. From 
that date the deportations were carried out by force, and 
in some cases with serious casualties. To arrest the 
movement of Jews from Central and Eastern Europe to 
the ports where they boarded a vessel for Palestine, the 
British Government actually requested the governments 
of the countries through which they passed to refuse 
them transit. But this intervention had little or no effect, 
as the governments felt sympathetic towards the sorely 
tried Jewish wanderers. Hence ships with "illegal" 
immigrants, whose sailings the Haganah claimed to have 
organised, continued to reach the National Home from 
Southern Europe and occasionally from North Africa. 

Upon receiving the British Government's invitation to 


a conference^ the Executive of the Jewish Agency decided 
to reject the Morrison plan, to insist upon the grant of 
100,000 certificates, and not to take part in the con- 
ference unless the Government were willing to discuss 
a scheme for "the establishment of a viable Jewish State 
in an adequate area of Palestine. 55 President Truman 
informed Mr. Attlee that he approved of this decision. 
The Conference convened by the Government was held 
in the latter part of September, 1946, and was attended 
only by delegates of the Arab States (Egypt, Iraq, 
Syria, Lebanon, Saudi Arabia, Transjordan, and the 
Yemen) . Neither the Jewish Agency nor the Palestinian 
Arabs were present. The Morrison plan was considered 
by the Arab delegates and rejected, whereupon the 
Conference was adjourned for some months. 


The question whether the Agency Executive should 
attend the adjourned Conference was the principal 
issue that occupied the Twenty-second Zionist Congress, 
which was held at Basle from December gth to 24th, 
1946. There were present 385 delegates (about one-fifth 
from Palestine and one-third from the United States), 
representing the record number of over 2,150,000 
Shekel-payers. The Congress was divided on the main 
issue into two groups, but not on party lines. The 
opponents of participation consisted of part of the 
General Zionists, Mizrachi, and Labour, as well as all 
the Revisionists 1 and Ahduth Avodahf who demanded the 
establishment of all Palestine as a Jewish State. Hashomer 
Hatzair y the left-wing Labour Party, was also opposed to 
attending the Conference, but for the reason that it was 
in favour of a bi-national State. The advocates of 

1 In 1946 the "New Zionist Organisation," which was founded in 1935, realised 
that there was no further justification for its existence and therefore dissolved, its 
members joining with the Jewish State Party to form the United Zionist Revision- 

2 AMtvth Avodah was the name of the new party formed in 1944 by the secession 
of the left wing of the Palestine Labour Party (Mapai). In Janury, 1948, Hashomer 
matzmr and AMvfa Avodah combined to form the "United Workers' Party" (Mtf- 
Ugetk Paatim Meuhadim, called by its initials, Mafiam) . 


participation consisted mainly of other General Zionists 
and the rest of Labour. After a week's debate the 
Congress decided by 171 votes to 154 that "in the 
existing circumstances the Zionist movement cannot 
participate in the London Conference. If a change 
should take place in the situation, the General Council 
of the Zionist Organisation shall consider the matter and 
decide whether to participate in the Conference or not.** 
The Congress rejected the Morrison plan as a travesty 
of Britain's obligations under the Mandate, and declared 
that Jewish statehood was the only form in which the 
original purpose of the Mandate could be fulfilled in the 
event of its termination. It adopted a budget for the 
ensuing year of 15,500 ,,000 an amount over twenty 
times as large as the budget adopted in 1939. As the 
majority of the delegates, by voting against participation 
in the London Conference, had defeated the policy of 
Dr. Weizmann, who had been President for over twenty 
years, his name was not submitted for re-election, and 
the position was left vacant. Nor, owing to the cleavage 
of views, was the Congress able to elect a new Executive. 
But a new General Council was elected with power to 
choose the new Executive, and a few days later a 
coalition Executive (reflecting the opposing views re- 
garding the London Conference) was appointed, con- 
sisting of eight General Zionists, seven members of the 
Labour Party and four of the MizrachL 1 


The adjourned Palestine Conference, which met in 
London on January 27th, 1947, was attended by repre- 
sentatives of the Arab States as well as by the Palestinian 
Arabs. But although the Executive of the Jewish Agency 
held aloof, some members, headed by the Chairman, 
Mr. Ben-Gurion, had conversations with the Foreign 
Secretary, Mr. Bevin, and the Colonial Secretary, who 

1 The new Executive included several members of the old (among them D. Ben- 
Gurion, M. Shertok, B. Locker, Professor S. Brodetsky, and E. Kaplan) and four 
American members (headed by Rabbi Dr. Abba Hillel Silver). 


submitted to them the same new proposals that were 
put before the Arab delegates. These proposals con- 
stituted a retreat from the Morrison plan. They 
envisaged a five-year trusteeship agreement, to be 
approved by the Trusteeship Council of the United 
Nations. The main features were: (a) certain areas (not 
defined or contiguous) with Jewish or Arab majorities 
would have local self-administration; (b) the High 
Commissioner would remain responsible legislatively 
and executively and have an Advisory Council of Jews 
and Arabs; (c) Jewish immigration would be at the rate 
of 4,000 a month for the first two years of the trusteeship, 
after which the High Commissioner would consult his 
Advisory Council on the subsequent rate of immigration, 
and if he failed to secure agreement the question would 
be referred to an arbitration committee of the United 
Nations; (d) land transfers would be controlled in each 
area by the local authorities; (e) at the end of four years 
the High Commissioner would convene a constituent 
assembly to discuss the constitution for an independent 
State of Palestine, and if no agreement were reached the 
matter would be remitted to the Trusteeship Council of 
the United Nations to advise the British Government on 
the course to adopt. 

These proposals were rejected by both the Jewish 
Agency and the Arab delegates. The latter demanded the 
immediate declaration of the independence of Palestine, 
the stoppage of immigration, and the protection of Arab 
lands. The Jewish Agency found the proposals unaccept- 
able on the three cardinal points: immigration, territory, 
and the political future. There was no certainty that 
there would be immigration after the first two years, and, 
if there would be, at what rate; the Jews would be 
confined within their present possessions, without a 
proper margin for further development; and after five 
years of Trusteeship, they would, subject to the approval 
of the United Nations, be in an independent unitary 
'State, in which they would find themselves a minority 
by a considerable Arab majority. In 


consequence of the rejection of these proposals by Jews and 
Arabs, Mr. Bevin, who in November, 1945, had declared 
that he staked his reputation on solving the Palestine 
problem, informed the House of Commons on February 
1 8th, 1947, that the British Government had reached 
the conclusion that the only course now open to them was 
to submit the problem to the judgment of the United 


Thus, after being in power for eighteen months, the 
Labour Government had not only broken the pro- 
Zionist pledges that Labour Party Conferences had 
adopted for over twenty-five years, but also sabotaged 
the unanimous recommendations of the Anglo-American 
Committee, which the Foreign Secretary had promised 
to carry out, and also witnessed the failure of its own 
ill-conceived schemes for a solution. It was responsible 
for a regime that had converted Palestine into a police 
State, with its accompaniments of arrests and curfews, 
of violence and bloodshed, in which the very Administra- 
tion had to surround itself with armed guards, machine- 
guns, and barbed wire to ensure its own safety. Con- 
vinced at last of the futility of its efforts to devise an 
acceptable policy based upon a systematic violation of 
the Mandate, the British Government had no alternative 
but to submit the question to the arbitrament of the 
United Nations, the successor of the body from whose 
hands Britain had received the Mandate over twenty- 
five years before. 






WHEN the General Assembly of the United Nations 
met at Flushing Meadows, New York, on April 
28th, 1947, for a special session to deal with the Palestine 
question, the Political and Security Committee afforded 
an opportunity to representatives of the Jewish Agency 
and the Arab Higher Committee to state their cases. In 
the course of the ensuing discussion a notable speech was 
made by the Soviet delegate, Mr. Gromyko, who, after 
observing that "the legitimate interests of both the 
Jewish and Arab peoples in Palestine can be properly 
protected only by the creation of an independent demo- 
cratic Arab-Jewish State . . . based on equal rights for 
the Jewish and Arab populations," stated that, failing 
this solution, consideration should be given to "the 
division of Palestine into two independent states Jewish 
and Arab." It was decided that a Special Committee 
on Palestine, 1 not including any representatives of the 
"Big Five" or of the Arab states, should consist of the 
following eleven neutral states: Australia, Canada, 
Czechoslovakia, Guatemala, India, Iran, Netherlands, 
Peru, Sweden, Uruguay, and Yugoslavia. 

The Special Committee, of which the Swedish dele- 
gate. Judge Emil Sandstroem, was Chairman, was in 
Jerusalem from June i6th to July 24th, and took state- 
ments in secret from the Palestine Government and in 
public from members of the Jewish Agency Executive, 
Dr. Weizmann, and representatives of Jewish organisa- 
tions. It was officially boycotted by the Arab Higher 

1 The ILN. Committee became known as U.N.S.C.O.P. 


Committee, but heard evidence in Beyrout on behalf 
the Arab states. After completing its investigation in 
Palestine, the Committee went to Geneva to draw up its 
report, and a sub-committee was delegated to visit some 
camps of Jewish "displaced persons" and refugees in 
Germany and Austria. 


Meanwhile, the state of tension in Palestine, due on the 
one hand to the acts of violence of the Irgan %pai Leumi 
and the Stern group, and, on the other, to the punitive 
measures of the civil and military authorities, became 
ever more intolerable. Government had in fact passed 
from the High Commissioner to the General Officer 
Commanding the British Forces, who had absolute 
power to promulgate and enforce any decree, no matter 
how it infringed the Mandate or any elementary rights 
and liberties. The Tishuv was subjected to a system of 
collective responsibility. Every outrage was followed by 
mass arrests of Jews and house-searches, and those 
arrested were liable to internment, imprisonment, or 
deportation without trial In March, 1947, martial law 
was imposed on Tel-Aviv and part of the Jewish section 
of Jerusalem for a fortnight; and by that time hundreds 
of Jews, merely on police information that was kept 
secret, had been deported to Eritrea and Kenya. Pales- 
tine was virtually reduced to a police State. The 
Executive of the Jewish Agency and the Vaad Leumi 
refused to co-operate with the Government in combating 
the terrorism, because the Government had abandoned 
the principles of the Mandate, but they and the Haganah 
acted independently in thwarting acts of violence 
whenever possible. 

The seething resentment of the Tishuv was intensified 
when Dov Gruner and three other members of the 
Irgan were hanged at Acre Gaol on April i6th, 1947, 
although none of them had been charged with murder. 
Gruner, who had fought as a volunteer in the British 


Army for five years, had been sentenced to death for 
taking part In an attack on Ramat Gan police station 
(in which the only casualty could not be proved as 
due to him), and the other three had been similarly 
sentenced for being in possession of arms. As a reprisal, 
members of the Irgun a few weeks later blasted open 
Acre Gaol, from which many Jews and Arabs escaped. 
Three members of the attacking party were caught 
and sentenced to death. The United Nations Special 
Committee attempted to intervene, but in vain. There- 
upon the Irgun kidnapped two British soldiers at 
Nathanyah as hostages for their comrades. The mili- 
tary authorities, without taking sufficient time to find 
the soldiers, hanged the three Irgunists rather pre- 
cipitately, whereupon the Irgun carried out its threat 
to hang the two soldiers. A wave of horrified revulsion 
swept across the country and over many other lands too. 
Jews in Tel-Aviv were suddenly attacked at night by 
armed British policemen, who killed five and seriously 
wounded many others. Three months later it was 
officially announced that the British policemen who were 
found to have taken part in this attack were discharged, 
but they did not suffer any other punishment. There were 
wanton assaults and lootings by British soldiers and police 
in other parts of Palestine too (including Jerusalem and 

THE "EXODUS, 1947" 

The indignation caused by this succession of outrages 
had no time to cool before it was further inflamed by 
the action of the Government against the 4,500 Jewish 
survivors from extermination camps who had been 
brought to Palestine from a port on the south of France 
on the "President Warfield", which was renamed "Exodus, 
1947." Although all such ship-loads of Jews without 
certificates had hitherto been transferred to Cyprus, 
these immigrants were taken back on British ships 
(specially equipped with wire pens) to the south of 
France and requested to land, and, as they refused, they 


were, after nearly a month, deported to Hamburg, 
landed by force, and interned in camps. This prolonged 
act of inhumanity, which held the attention of the whole 
world, evoked not only the bitterest protests from its 
immediate victims, the Tishuv and the Jewish people in 
general, but also the most scathing censure from the 
press in Britain, France, the United States, and many 
other countries. The reason given by the British Govern- 
ment for not transferring the "Exodus 51 refugees to 
Cyprus was that there was no more room for them on the 
island (where there were already over 12,000 in camps), 
though their motive was probably to deter any further 
contingents of "illegal 53 travellers. But their tactics 
failed. Ships crowded with Jews without certificates 
continued to reach the National Home, and as the 
Government wished to avoid a repetition of the dis- 
graceful episode the immigrants were again transferred 
immediately to Cyprus. From the beginning of 1946 
until October 3ist, 1947, thirty-six ships had conveyed 
43,500 "illegal" immigrants to the shores of Palestine. 1 


The Report of the Special Committee, which was 
published on August 3ist, comprised a series of unanim- 
ous recommendations, a Majority Report recommending 
the creation of a Jewish State and an Arab State, and a 
Minority Report favouring an independent federal 
State. The principal unanimous recommendations were 
that the Mandate be terminated at the earliest possible 
date, that Palestine be made independent on the basis 
of economic unity and the principles of the United 
Nations Charter, and that international arrangements 
be carried out for dealing with the problem of distressed 
European Jews, of whom about 250,000 were in camps. 
The Committee agreed, with two dissenting voices, to 

1 From May, 1945, until February, 1948, 57 ships tried to land uncertificated 
immigrants, and of these 40 were intercepted. The total number of Jews brought 
to Palestine from May, 1945, till the end of the mandate was believed to be about 



a further recommendation that "it should be accepted 
as incontrovertible that any solution for Palestine cannot 
be considered as a solution of the Jewish problem in 
general/ 5 The Majority Report was supported by the 
representatives of Canada, Czechoslovakia., Guatemala, 
Netherlands, Peru, Sweden, and Uruguay. The Minority 
Report was signed by the representatives of India, Iran, 
and Yugoslavia. The Australian member did not vote 
for either report* 


The Majority Report proposed that the Jewish and 
Arab States should become independent after a tran- 
sitional period of two years from September ist, 1947; 
and that before their independence was recognised they 
must adopt a democratic constitution acceptable to the 
United Nations, and sign a treaty for the economic union 
of Palestine. During the transitional period Britain 
should (i) carry on the administration of Palestine under 
the auspices of the United Nations, "and, if so desired, 
with the assistance of one or more of the United Nations," 
(2) admit into the proposed Jewish State 150,000 Jews 
at a uniform monthly rate, 30,000 of them on humanitar- 
ian grounds, and (3) abolish the land transfer restrictions 
based on the White Paper. The Jewish Agency should be 
responsible for bringing the immigrants into the country, 
and if the transitional period should continue for more 
than two years Jewish immigration thereafter should be 
allowed at the rate of 60,000 a year. The procedure was 
prescribed for the creation on a democratic basis of a 
provisional government in each State empowered to 
make declarations and sign the treaty of economic 
union, and after these acts were done by either State its 
independence as a sovereign State would be recognised. 
If only one State fulfilled these conditions the General 
Assembly of the United Nations would take such action 
as it might deem proper. For the purposes of the eco- 
nomic union a joint Economic Board should be estab- 
lished to consist of three representatives each of the two 


States and three foreign members appointed by the 
Economic and Social Council of the United Nations. 

The proposed Jewish State should include Eastern 
Galilee, the Esdraelon plain, most of the coastal plain 
(from a point south of Acre to just north of Ashdod, and 
including Haifa, Tel- Aviv, and Jaffa), and the whole of 
the Beersheba sub-district, including the Negev. The 
Arab state should include Western Galilee, the hill 
country of Samaria and Judea, with the exclusion of the 
city of Jerusalem, and the coastal plain from Ashdod to 
the Egyptian frontier. The city of Jerusalem (including 
the present municipality, the surrounding villages and 
towns, together with Bethlehem) should be placed, after 
the transitional period, under the international trustee- 
ship system by an agreement designating the United 
Nations as the administrative authority. Its governor, 
who should be neither Jew nor Arab, nor a citizen of the 
Palestine State, should be appointed by the Trusteeship 
Council of the United Nations. The holy places and 
religious buildings in the city should be under the 
protection of a special police force, which should not 
include either Jews or Arabs. 


The Minority Report recommended the creation of an 
independent Federal State of Palestine after a tran- 
sitional period not exceeding three years, during which 
responsibility for administering Palestine and preparing 
it for independence should be entrusted to an authority 
to be decided by the General Assembly. The independent 
Federal State should comprise an Arab State and a 
Jewish State, with Jerusalem as its capital. During the 
transitional period a constituent assembly, to be elected 
by popular vote and convened by the administering 
authority, should draw up the constitution of the Federal 
State, and once the constitution was adopted independ- 
ence should be declared by the General Assembly. The 
Federal Government should have full authority with 


regard to national defence, foreign relations, immigra- 
tion, currency, taxation for federal purposes, and other 
matters, and the Arab and Jewish States should enjoy 
full powers of local self-government. The constitution 
should forbid any discriminating Federal or State 
legislation against population groups or against either of 
the States, guarantee equal rights for all minorities, 
and provide for a single Palestine nationality and 
citizenship. The protection of the holy places should be 
under the supervision of a permanent international body 
composed of three representatives designated by the 
United Nations and one representative each of the 
recognised faiths having an interest in the matter, as 
may be determined by United Nations. 

With regard to immigration, the Minority Report 
proposed that "for a period of three years from the 
beginning of the transitional period Jewish immigration 
shall be permitted into the Jewish State in such numbers 
as not to exceed the absorptive capacity and having 
regard for the rights of the existing population within 
the State and their anticipated natural rate of increase. 35 
An international commission composed of three Arabs, 
three Jews, and three United Nations representatives 
should be appointed to estimate the absorptive capacity 
of the Jewish State. The commission should cease to 
exist at the end of the aforementioned period of three 
years, but no proposal was made regarding immigration 
in subsequent years. The Arab area of the proposed 
Federal State should include most of the interior of the 
country, except for Eastern Galilee and a large area of 
the Beersheba sub-district which fell within the bound- 
aries of the Jewish area. The Arabs were also allotted the 
coastal plain from Jaffa south to the Egyptian frontier 
and the western portion of the Beersheba sub-district, 
including Beersheba town, Asltij and Auja, and a strip 
along the whole length of the Egyptian frontier to the 
Gulf of Aqaba. 

The recommendation of the majority of the United 
Nations Special Committee in favour of the creation of 


a sovereign Jewish State was the second such proposal 
made within ten years by an authoritative body ap- 
pointed specially to solve the Palestine question., the 
first having been made in 1937 by the Palestine Royal 
Commission. This time the recommendation was of 
much greater weight and significance, for it formed the 
considered judgment not of the representatives of one 
interested Government but of an international body 
comprising the representatives of seven neutral and 
disinterested Governments on both sides of the Atlantic, 
uninfluenced by considerations of strategy and oil 
supplies. The Majority Report was welcomed with 
satisfaction by the Zionist General Council, which was 
in session in Zurich at the time of its publication. Both 
majority and minority Reports were rejected by the 
Arab Higher Committee. 


The views of the British Government on the Report 
of the Special Committee were explained by the Colonial 
Secretary, Mr. A. Creech Jones, on September 2 6th to 
the United Nations ad hoc Committee on Palestine at 
Lake Success, New York. He said that the Government 
were in substantial agreement with the twelve general 
recommendations, particularly the termination of the 
Mandate for Palestine and the granting of independence 
to the country at the earliest possible date, and the carry- 
ing out of an international arrangement to deal with the 
problem of distressed European Jews as a matter of 
extreme urgency. As for the future of Palestine, the 
Government were ready to co-operate with the General 
Assembly in applying the settlement that it recom- 
mended, but the crucial question was its enforcement. 
The Government were prepared to assume responsibility 
for giving effect to any plan on which the Arabs and the 
Jews were agreed. But if the Assembly recommended a 
policy that was not acceptable to the Jews and Arabs, 
his Government would not feel able to implement it: 


in this case It would be necessary to provide for some 
alternative authority to implement it. The Government 
were not themselves prepared to employ the force of 
arms in imposing a policy in Palestine; and in consider- 
ing any proposal that they should participate with others 
in the enforcement of the settlement, "they must take 
into account both the inherent justice of the settlement 
and the extent to which force would be required to give 
effect to it. 3 * Mr. Creech Jones emphasised that his 
Government were determined to lay down the Mandate, 
and in the absence of a settlement they must plan for 
the early withdrawal of the British forces and British 
administration from Palestine. He expressed no views 
on either the Majority or the Minority Report, and 
made no proposal for a settlement himself. 


The Arab representative, Jamal Husseini, declared 
that an Arab state in the whole of Palestine was the only 
project with which the Arab Committee were prepared 
to associate themselves. As for the two schemes proposed, 
the Arabs of Palestine would oppose by all means at their 
disposal any partition of the country, or special rights 
of status for any minority on the ground of creed. They 
would not be deterred by the big Powers from drenching 
the soil of the country with their blood in its defence. 
Husseini proposed that a Constituent Assembly for a 
democratic Arab state be elected at the earliest possible 
moment, and that in accordance with the constitution 
thus prepared the Arab Government should within a 
fixed time take over the administration of the country. 


Rabbi Dr. Abba Hillel Silver, chairman of the 
American section of the Jewish Agency Executive, 
announced the Agency's acceptance in principle of the 
partition of Palestine into Jewish and Arab states bound 


in an economic union. He represented the scheme as a 
serious attenuation of Jewish rights, as they were being 
given one-eighth of the territory (all Palestine and 
Transjordan) which had been originally set out for the 
Jewish state. They were prepared to pay the price, 
because it made possible the immediate re-establishment 
of a Jewish state and ensured immediate and continuing 
Jewish immigration. But they objected particularly to 
the exclusion of Western Galilee from the Jewish State 
and to placing a new Jewish city outside the walls of 
Jerusalem under international trusteeship, and insisted 
that the proposed economic unity must not encroach 
upon exclusive control by the Jews of the means to carry 
out large scale immigration and economic developments. 
They favoured an international authority under the 
United Nations to ensure the implementation of the 
United Nations 3 decisions, and wished the establishment 
of the two States to be consummated as soon as possible. 
Should British forces not be available for the require- 
ments during the interim period, the Jewish people of 
Palestine would provide the necessary effectives to 
maintain public security. The Jewish Agency accepted 
all the unanimous recommendations of the majority 
except one that which asserted that a solution for 
Palestine is not a solution for the Jewish problem in 
general. For this problem was not one of Jewish immi- 
gration or refugees, but the age-old problem of Jewish 
national homelessness, to which there was but one 
solution the reconstitution of a national home for the 
Jewish people in Palestine. 


In the course of the discussion the United States 
delegate, Mr. Herschel Johnson, supported the unanim- 
ous recommendations of the Special Committee and the 
majority proposals for partition and immigration. He 
stipulated, however, that Jaffa should be included in 
the Arab state; that all the inhabitants of Palestine, 


regardless of citizenship or place of residence, should be 
guaranteed access to ports, water and power facilities, 
and enjoy equality of economic opportunity; and that 
the powers of the joint Economic Board be strengthened. 
He also said that the United States was willing to help 
in the establishment of a workable political settlement 
in Palestine, in respect of economic and financial 
problems, as well as the problem of internal law and 
order during the transition period; and suggested the 
creation of a special constabulary or police force re- 
cruited on a volunteer basis by the United Nations. 
Mr. Johnson's statement had been awaited with much 
impatience, as it was understood that it would have a 
determining influence on the fate of the partition scheme. 

Little less than a sensation was caused when the Soviet 
delegate, M. Tsarapkin, strongly endorsed America's 
advocacy of partition, as this was the first question of 
major importance upon which the two great Powers 
were agreed. M. Tsarapkin said that neither historical 
nor legal considerations could be decisive, but only the 
right of the Palestine Jews as well as of the Arabs to 
self-determination. In the light of the sufferings of Jewry 
at Hitler's hands and the inability of the western States 
to protect them, he contended that the Jews' right to 
create their own State had to be conceded and was a 
matter of urgency. He also thought it was necessary to 
revise the proposed boundaries, and to work out the 
details for the interim government between the ending 
of the Mandate and the beginning of independence. 

Partition was also supported by the delegates of 
Poland, Czechoslovakia, the Dominions of Canada, 
South Africa, New Zealand, and Australia, as well as 
some Latin American States, notably Uruguay, Guate- 
mala, and Panama. Among the opponents, who urged 
that Palestine be made a unitary Arab State, were India 
and Pakistan, besides the delegates of the various Arab 
States. The head of the British delegation, Mr. Creech 
Jones, made another speech, reiterating the main points 
in his first speech: he again declared that if the British 


were to take part in enforcing a settlement, they must 
take Into account its inherent justice and the extent to 
which force would be required. 

The Jewish case was supported by Mr. Moshe Shertok^ 1 
who dealt largely with the historical^ legal ? and eco- 
nomic aspects of the problem, and finally by Dr. Weiz- 
mann ? who, though no longer holding office in the 
Zionist movement, possessed the unique authority of one 
who had been its leader for nearly thirty years. In a 
statesmanlike speech, Dr. Weizmarm stated that the 
Jews who, on the basis of an international promise, had 
gone to Palestine to re-establish their National Home, 
could not be reduced to the status of "Arab citizens of 
the Jewish persuasion," subject to the domination of the 
Arab Higher Committee, and that they were entitled to 
their independence just as much as the Arabs, who had 
several states. He said that the great services that Britain 
had rendered in helping to lay the foundations of Jewish 
independence would be remembered with appreciation 
when the sordid consequences of the White Paper had 
passed into forgotten history. 


When the debate in the ad hoc Committee came to an 
end after three weeks, the Soviet representative proposed 
that a vote should be taken on the question of partition, 
but the proposal was not accepted. Thereupon three 
Sub-Committees were appointed on October sist: 
Sub-Committee I, to consider the frontiers of the pro- 
posed States and the implementation of partition; Sub- 
Committee II, to deal with the Arab proposal for a 
unitary State and the question whether the United 
Nations was legally competent to decide on partition; 
and Sub-Committee III, to seek an agreement between 
the Jews and the Arabs. 2 The proceedings of the first 

1 Mr. Shertok changed his name later to Sharett, 

2 The members of Sub-Committee I were the United States, Russia, Canada, 
Czechoslovakia, Guatemala, Poland, South Africa, Uruguay, and Venezuela. 
The members of Sub-Committee II were Afghanistan, Egypt, Iraq, Lebanon, 
Pakistan, Saudi-Arabia, Syria, and Yemen. Sub-Committee III, owing to the 
hopelessness of its purpose, failed to materialise. 


two Sub-Committees, which lasted nearly a month, 
were held for the most part in camera. The British 
Government delegation refused to serve on either, but 
had observers Mr. John Martin, of the Colonial Office, 
at the first, and Mr. Harold Beeley, of the Foreign 
Office, at the second. Mr. Shertok, Dr. Emanuel 
Neumann and other representatives of the Jewish Agency 
were permitted to take active part in all the meetings of 
Sub-Committee I, at which they made proposals for the 
revision of the boundaries suggested in the Majority 
Report and also concerning the conditions of the 
economic union. 

After this Sub-Committee had been at work for three 
weeks and proposed that the Mandate should be ter- 
minated on May ist, 1948, Sir Alexander Cadogan, 
Britain's permanent delegate on the Security Council, 
informed it on November I3th that the British Military 
authorities had been directed to plan for the evacuation 
of Palestine to be completed by August ist, 1948, but 
that (as previously announced by Mr. Creech Jones) 
they would not be available for the enforcement of 
settlement against either Jews or Arabs. The British 
Government, he said, reserved the right to lay down the 
Mandate and to bring its civil administration to an end 
at any time after it had become evident that no settle- 
ment acceptable to both Jews and Arabs had been 
reached by the Assembly. During the interval between 
the termination of the Mandate and the withdrawal of 
the last British troops the British Government would not 
hold a civil administration in Palestine, but confine itself 
to preserving order in areas still controlled by the 
remaining forces. If the United Nations Commission 
despatched to Palestine to implement partition took 
preparatory steps that would require enforcement, Sir 
Alexander declared that it must not expect the British 
authorities to maintain law and order except in the 
limited areas of which they would be in occupation 
during withdrawal. Throughout the discussions of the 
committees, as in those of the General Assembly, the 


attitude of the British Government representatives was, 
to the very end, consistent in its neutrality and unhelp- 
fulness; it was quite unlike the attitude of the British 
Dominion representatives, as well as that of certain 
South American and European states, which co-operated 
actively with constructive suggestions. 


The partition plan, as unanimously adopted by Sub- 
Committee I, consisted of the following main provisions: 

The Mandate for Palestine shall terminate at a date 
to be agreed on by the proposed United Nations' 
Palestine Commission and Britain, with the approval 
of the Security Council, but in any case not later than 
August ist, 1948. 

The armed forces of the Mandatory Power shall be 
progressively withdrawn from Palestine, withdrawal 
to be completed on a date to be agreed upon by the 
Commission and the Mandatory Power, with the 
approval of the Security Council, but not later than 
August ist, 1948, The Mandatory Power shall advise 
the Commission as far in advance as possible of its 
intention to evacuate each area and co-ordinate its 
plans with those of the Commission. The Mandatory- 
Power is to use its best endeavours to ensure that an 
area in the territory of the Jewish State, including a 
seaport and hinterland adequate to provide for 
substantial immigration, is evacuated not later than 
February ist, 1948. 

On its arrival in Palestine the Commission shaU 
proceed to carry out measures for the establishment 
of the frontiers of the Arab and Jewish States and the 
City of Jerusalem in accordance with the general 
lines of the recommendations of the General Assembly 
on the partition of Palestine. 

Two months after the evacuation of its British 
armed forces, but not later than October ist, 1948, 
the independent Arab and Jewish states and the 


special international regime for the City of Jerusalem 
are to come into existence. 

During the transitional period between adoption of 
the plan by the General Assembly and the establish- 
ment of the two States, administration of Palestine 
shall be entrusted to the Commission, which should 
act in conformity with the recommendations of the 
General Assembly under the guidance of the Security 
Council. The Commission shall have authority to issue 
the necessary regulations and take other measures as 
required. The Mandatory Power shall not issue any 
regulation to prevent, obstruct, or delay implementa- 
tion by the Commission of the measures recommended 
by the General Assembly. 

The Commission, after consultation with democratic 
parties and other public organisations in the Arab and 
Jewish States, shall select and establish in each State 
a Provisional Council of Government. The activities 
of both Arab and Jewish Provisional Councils shall be 
carried out under the general direction of the Com- 
mission. If by April ist, 1948, Councils cannot be 
selected for both States, or if those selected cannot 
carry out their functions, the Commission shall com- 
municate this to the Security Council for such action 
as they may deem proper, and to the Secretary General 
for communication to United Nations 3 members. 

The Provisional Councils shall have full authority 
during the transitional period in the areas under their 
control, including authority over matters of immigra- 
tion and land regulation. 

The Provisional Councils shall proceed, under the 
Commission's supervision, to establish administrative 
organs of government, central and local. They shall 
within the shortest time possible recruit armed militia 
from the residents of their State sufficient in number 
to maintain internal order and to prevent frontier 

The Provisional Councils shall, not later than two 
months after the British troops' withdrawal, hold 


elections to a Constituent Assembly which shall be 
conducted on democratic lines. Qualified voters shall 
be over 18 years Palestinian citizens residing in the 
State or Arabs and Jews residing in the State, though 
not Palestinians, who before voting signified their 
intention of becoming citizens. Arabs and Jews 
residing in Jerusalem who have signified their inten- 
tion of becoming citizens of either State shall be 
entitled to vote. Women are eligible to vote and may 
be elected to the Constituent Assembly. 

A democratic Constitution for each State is expected 
to include provision for a legislature, elected by 
universal secret ballot on a basis of proportional 
representation, and an executive body responsible to 
the legislature; acceptance of the obligation to refrain 
from threat or use of force; a guarantee of equal and 
non-discriminatory rights to all, and preservation of 
freedom of transit for all residents of both States 
subject to considerations of national security. 

Jerusalem, which is to be outside the Jewish and 
Arab States, is to have a special status. The city is to 
be placed under the Trusteeship Council. Hebrew and 
Arabic are to be the official languages, with one or 
two other (English and French) as additional working 
languages, as may be required. All Jerusalem residents 
shall be citizens of the city unless they decide to take 
citizenship of the State of which they have been 
citizens or file their intention of becoming citizens of 
the Arab or Jewish State respectively. 

The Governor of Jerusalem shall not be a citizen 
either of the Jewish or the Arab State, but shall repre- 
sent the United Nations and exercise on its behalf all 
administrative powers and conduct external affairs. 
He shall be assisted by a staff chosen from residents 
of the city and the rest of Palestine on a non-dis- 
criminatory basis. He shall study a plan for the separa- 
tion of the Jewish outer quarters of Jerusalem from 
the rest of the city and for the establishment of 
a special town unit for them. He shall appoint a 


representative of the Jewish and Arab States to look 
after the interests of their States and nationals. This 
trusteeship regime shall last for ten years, but may be 
reviewed and revised before the end of that period.' * 

The most important frontier changes made in Sub- 
Committee I were the addition to the Jewish State 
of small tracts in Western Galilee and along the shores 
of the Dead Sea and of Haifa Bay, besides the Lydda 
air-port, and the transfer to the Arab State of Jaffa, 
Beersheba, and 2 million dunams (half a million acres) 
of the Negev along the Egyptian frontier. The area of 
the Jewish State comprised 14 million dunams, contain- 
ing a population of 538,000 Jews and 402,000 Arabs 
(including nomads) ; and the area of the Arab State 
comprised 12 million dunams, with a population of 
804,000 Arabs and 10,000 Jews, The population of the 
Jerusalem district would consist of 108,000 Jews and 
105,000 Arabs. 


When the partition scheme, thus modified, was 
brought back to the ad hoc Committee for consideration. 
Sir Alexander Cadogan, on November soth, sprang a 
surprise by making an announcement, the purport of 
which was that the British Government did not agree 
with the mode of implementation that had been worked 
out after weeks of discussion. Britain could not allow any 
other authority to assist in the administration of the 
country as long as she held the Mandate, and reserved 
the right to relinquish this at any time in the near future 
without notifying the Security Council. She refused to 
co-operate with the United Nations Commission, was 
opposed to giving up control gradually during the 
transitional period, could not accept recommendations 
for the progressive transfer of power to the Provisional 
Government Councils, and would not permit any 
activities within zones under Mandatory control that 


might "provoke disorder." Sir Alexander added that the 
British Government were equally opposed to giving 
any help to implement the Arab plan. This concluding 
observation was obviously Intended to demonstrate 
Britain's strict impartiality, but it must have been 
patent to all that It was quite gratuitous^ as It was clear 
that the Arab plan would be rejected. Sir Alexander 
further explained that the administration of the country 
would be handed over to the Commission only after the 
Mandate had been laid down. The representatives of 
the United States and the Soviet Union gave frank 
expression to their annoyance over Britain's obstruc- 
tionist attitude, and the Sub-Committee was obliged 
to amend the paragraph relating to implementation. 
The revised text ran: 

"The General Assembly . . . 

"Recommends to the United Kingdom, as the Mandatory Power 
for Palestine, and to all other Members of the United Nations the 
adoption and implementation, with regard to the future government 
of Palestine, of the Plan of Partition with Economic Union set out 

"Requests that 

"The Security Council take the necessary measures as provided 
for in the Plan for its implementation; 

"The Security Council consider, if circumstances during the 
transitional period require such consideration, whether the situation 
in Palestine constitutes a threat to the peace. If it decides that such 
a threat exists, and in order to maintain international peace and 
security, the Security Council should supplement the authorisation 
of the General Assembly by taking measures, under Articles 39 and 
41 of the Charter, to empower the United Nations Commission, 
as provided in this resolution, to exercise in Palestine the functions 
which are assigned to it by this resolution; 

"The Security Council determine as a threat to the peace, breach 
of the peace or act of aggression, in accordance with Article 39 of 
the Charter, any attempt to alter by force the settlement envisaged 
by this resolution; 

"The Trusteeship Council be informed of the responsibilities 
envisaged for it in this Plan; 

"Calls upon the inhabitants of Palestine to take such steps as may 
be necessary on their part to put this Plan into effect; 

"Appeals to all Governments and all peoples to refrain from taking 


any action which might hamper or delay the carrying out of these 
recommendations; and 

"Authorises the Secretary-General to reimburse travel and sub- 
sistence expenses of the members of the Commission, . . . and to 
provide to the Commission the necessary staff to assist in carrying 
out the functions assigned to the Commission by the General 
Assembly. 95 


On November 24th the ad hoc Committee voted first 
on the proposals adopted in Sub-Committee II. The 
proposals that the whole matter should be referred to 
the International Court of Justice and, alternatively, 
that the legal aspect of partition should be referred to 
that tribunal, were rejected. A proposal that a special 
committee of the General Assembly should recommend 
a scheme of quotas for the resettlement of Jewish 
refugees and displaced persons in other countries, in 
consultation with the International Refugee Organisa- 
tion, was also rejected. Next came the resolution in 
favour of a scheme for a unitary State (based on the 
Minority Report) . It did not guarantee the Jews any 
rights, nor even proportional representation in the 
legislative council, and it urged that until an independ- 
ent Palestine was established, immigration into the 
country should be suspended and the existing land 
transfer restrictions should be maintained. The Egyptian 
delegate, in urging its acceptance, said that all but the 
55,000 Jews who were in Palestine before the Balfour 
Declaration, had entered the country illegally, and 
uttered a warning that the adoption of partition would 
"imperil the lives of a million defenceless Jews 3 9 in Arab 
countries. Despite this threat the resolution in favour of 
a unitary State was defeated by 29 votes to 12, with 16 
abstaining. On the following day the partition scheme 
as unanimously approved by Sub-Committee I was 
adopted by 25 votes to 13, with 17 abstaining and 2 
absent. The majority was sufficient in the ad hoc Com- 
mittee, but in the General Assembly a two-thirds 
majority of those present and voting was required. 


On November 26th, nine weeks after the General 
Assembly had appointed the ad hoc Committee, It met 
again to consider the report of the Committee in favour 
of partition. In an atmosphere of increased tension there 
was a spate of speeches from both sides. The American 
representative (Herschel Johnson) declared that the 
resolution on partition was within the legal competence 
of the General Assembly. The Egyptian delegate stated 
that his country would not recognise the validity of 
partition, and he and the Syrian and Lebanese spokes- 
men attacked the United States. The Soviet delegate 
(Mr. Gromyko) said that circumstances had proved that 
the Jewish and the Arab peoples, each with deep roots 
in Palestine, could not live in a unitary State, and that 
the country must be partitioned: any other solution was 
impracticable. The Polish delegate stressed the fact that 
the Arabs too would gain a State by partition. The 
delegates of Canada and New Zealand, of Holland and 
Belgium, and the elequent spokesman of Uruguay 
(Professor Fabregat, a member of U.N.S.C.O.P.), all 
reinforced the arguments In favour of partition. The 
voting on the plan should have taken place on Friday 
afternoon, November 28th, but there was a last-minute 
attempt to secure a postponement. The Colombian 
delegate proposed that a new committee should be 
appointed for the purpose of trying to effect a recon- 
ciliation between Jews and Arabs and should report In 
February, 1948. Thereupon the French delegate pro- 
posed an adjournment of twenty-four hours for the same 
purpose. The latter proposal was adopted by a majority 
of 25 to 13, with 17 absentions. 


When the General Assembly met again on the follow- 
ing day, November 2gth, a further attempt at post- 
ponement was made by the Lebanese delegate, who 
proposed a plan for cantonal government in a federal 
unitary State* It was, as the United States delegate 


pointed out, merely a resurrection of the scheme of the 
Minority Report, which had already been rejected by 
the ad hoc Committee. The Persian delegate then pro- 
posed an adjournment till January I5th. The Chairman, 
Dr. Oswaldo Aranha (Brazil), ruled that this was a new 
resolution and could not be given priority over the 
proposals of the ad hoc Committee. In a scene tense with 
excitement he put the partition scheme to the vote by 
roll-call, with the result that it obtained more than the 
requisite two-thirds majority 33 States voting for and 
13 against, with 10 (including Great Britain) abstain- 
ing, 1 and one (Siam) absent. The General Assembly 
thereupon elected the Commission that was to proceed 
to Palestine to carry out the adopted plan, consisting of 
representatives of Bolivia, Czechoslovakia, Denmark, 
Panama, and the Philippines. 

The Arab delegates promptly denounced the decision 
as a violation of the Charter of the United Nations, 
declared that they would not regard themselves as 
bound by it, and left the Chamber discomfited and 
indignant. Sir Alexander Cadogan said that he t^ad been 
instructed to ask the Commission that had been elected 
to get into contact with the British Government for the 
purpose of arranging the details of the transfer of authority 
in Palestine. It was an empty gesture, as the Commission 
received no help whatever from the Mandatory Govern- 
ment. Dr. Aranha, in closing the session, said that he 
was convinced that partition was the best solution, and 
the Secretary-General, Mr. Trygve Lie, described the 
decision as the first positive achievement of the session. 

Thus, after the lapse of nearly nineteen hundred years, 
the claim of the Jewish people to the restoration of its 

1 The voting in the General Assembly was as follows: 

For Partition: Australia, Belgium, Bolivia, Brazil, Byelo-Russia, Canada, Costa 
Rica, Czechoslovakia, Denmark, the Dominican Republic, Ecuador, France, 
Guatemala, Haiti, Iceland, Liberia, Luxembourg, the Netherlands, New Zealand, 
Nicaragua, Norway, Panama, Paraguay, Peru, the Philippines, Poland, Sweden, 
Ukraine, Union of South Africa, Uruguay, U.S.S.R., United States, and Ven- 

Against Partitwn: Afghanistan, Cuba, Egypt, Greece, India, Iran, Iraq, Lebanon, 
Pakistan, Saudi-Arabia, Syria, Turkey, Yemen. 

Mstam&rs: Argentine, Chile, China, Colombia, El Salvador, Ethiopia, Honduras, 
Mexico, United Kingdom, and Yugoslavia. 


statehood on its ancestral soil had, after searching 
inquiry and prolonged deliberation, been recognised 
and granted by the nations of the world through their 
supreme tribunal, and the hope that had upborne 
countless generations through ages of oppression had 
reached fulfilment, though only in one-eighth of the 
area of their historic homeland. The glad tidings, first 
acclaimed in the largest Jewish community on the earth, 
sent a thrill of happiness and ecstasy throughout the 
Jewish world. There were everywhere scenes of rejoicing 
and thanksgiving, but nowhere were the manifestations 
as spontaneous and exuberant as in the Land of Israel 
itself, where the Yishuv danced in the streets throughout 
the night as soon as they learned of the historic event. 
But the jubilations in Palestine soon gave way to a more 
serious and sombre mood, for the threats that had been 
uttered by the Arab delegates in New York began to be 
realised, particularly in Jerusalem, Tel- Aviv, and Haifa. 
Attacks were made by Arabs upon Jews, who defended 
themselves and fought back, with the result that many 
were killed and still more injured on both sides. Unfor- 
tunately the disorders and killings, believed to have been 
incited by Arab mercenaries from Syria, continued for 
some weeks. Anti-Jewish demonstrations also occurred 
in Egypt and other Arab lands. In Aleppo many Jews 
were killed, homes, synagogues, and shops were burned 
down, and thousands were rendered homeless. In Aden 
there were similar atrocities, in which 82 Jews were 
killed; and murder and looting lasted a few days until 
suppressed by British naval ratings landed from three 
British warships and by troops flown to the scene from 
Egypt. Meetings of the Arab League, 1 with the active 
participation of that veteran plotter, the ex-Mufti of 
Jerusalem, took place at Beyrout and Cairo to discuss 
measures for preventing partition. 

1 The Arab League, a product of British inspiration, was formed in March, 
1945, at a Conference in Cairo of representatives of Egypt, Syria, Iraq, Lebanon, 
Transjordan, Saudi- Arabia, and the Yemen. It adopted a Pact embracing a com- 
prehensive and varied programme, but its activity has been practically concerned 
solely with the question of Palestine and Israel. 



The decision of the United Nations formed the subject 
of a debate in the House of Commons on December 
nth and I2th, in an atmosphere charged with gloom 
and depression, for many of the speeches were vale- 
dictories to the dying Mandate. Mr. Creech Jones, the 
Colonial Secretary, said that the decision was regarded 
by the Government as the decision of the court of inter- 
national opinion, and they wished to see the adminis- 
tration transferred to their successors in an orderly 
manner. The Government intended to withdraw troops 
by August ist, 19483 and in order that this withdrawal 
might be conducted with the least disruption of the 
ordinary life of the country it was essential that the 
Mandatory Power should retain control of the country 
until evacuation was well under way. The date fixed for 
the termination of the Mandate, subject to the negotia- 
tions with the United Nations, was May I5th. As the 
Government had made it clear that they could not take 
part in the implementation of the United Nations plan, 
it would be undesirable for the Commission to arrive in 
Palestine until shortly before the termination of the 
Mandate. The overlapping period ought to be brief, 
and much preliminary work could be done by the 
Commission outside Palestine before the assumption of 
their responsibilities. Political officers to co-operate with 
the British troops would be left behind until the with- 
drawal of the troops was completed. After that it might 
be desirable for political officers to be attached to the 
various Government authorities set up, in order to assist 
British interests. The Security Council might have to be 
invoked if unsurmountable difficulties occurred, but it 
was disturbing that the Commission would go to its task 
with inadequate support for its decisions. Mr. Creech 
Jones said that among the matters on which negotiation 
with the Commission would have to be made were 
proposals in the partition plan, in the interest of im- 
migration, that an area situated in the Jewish State, 


including a seaport and hinterland, should be evacuated 
by February ist, 1948. If immigration traffic were 
encouraged during the next few months, he feared that a 
grave situation would arise that would make an orderly 
withdrawal and transfer of authority extremely difficult. 
He concluded by saying that Britain would lay down her 
responsibilities in Palestine with relief and yet with 
regret, and expressed the hope that the spirit of moder- 
ation and tolerance would restore order, peace, and 
harmony in the most famous of all lands. 

Mr. Oliver Stanley, a former Colonial Secretary, 
speaking for the Opposition (in the absence of Mr. 
Winston Churchill, who had left for a holiday in Mor- 
occo), said that he had long been a believer in the 
principle of partition, though there were many details 
in the United Nations 3 scheme with which he disagreed. 
Britain's withdrawal from Palestine would be a humiliat- 
ing end to the honourable role that she had hitherto 
played in that country, but had the Government had a 
definite and decisive policy in the last two years they 
might have achieved the end which the inspirers of the 
great idea of the Jewish National Home had in mind. 
He stressed that Britain, as a member of the United 
Nations, should facilitate as much as possible the difficult 
work of the Commission, and suggested that the Chair- 
man of the Commission should arrive in Palestine some 
time before the civil administration withdrew, as well 
as its officials, to be taught their jobs as soon as they were 
available. Mr. Grossman and other Members emphasised 
the need of the Commission having at its disposal an 
international police force composed of contingents from 
the middle and smaller powers, as proposed in the 
General Assembly by Guatemala. 

Mr. Bevin, the Foreign Secretary, in replying to the 
debate, said that the transfer of authority involved a 
great variety of economic matters, including trade and 
currency, which had to be handled with very great care 
to avoid economic disorder. There was no obligation on 
Britain to change the immigration quota during the 


short remaining period of her responsibility in Palestine. 
He appealed to the Jews not to bring in numbers of 
immigrants and thus contribute to the unrest, but to 
leave the matter until their State was set up. The 
Government would negotiate with the Commission about 
the transfer of the immigrants In Cyprus to Palestine. 
The units of the Transjordan Arab Legion which had 
been serving under British military command in 
Palestine would be withdrawn at the same time as the 
British forces. Mr. Bevin said that the British Govern- 
ment, had there been no interference from other 
countries, could have solved the Palestine problem, and 
"got very near to it over and over again only to have the 
cup dashed from our lips" (but he made no attempt to 
substantiate this latter important statement, nor could 
he have done so) . He declared that it was for the Security 
Council to find the force for the enforcement of partition, 
and that British troops would not be available except for 
an organised armed force of the Council that might be 
used "for the whole international sphere. 5 ' He concluded 
on a conciliatory note by stating that if the British 
Government could render any assistance or advice "to 
smooth out the transition, ... to promote concord, 
friendship, and amity" between the peoples of Palestine, 
they would do so. In fact, however, the Government did 
nothing whatever in this direction. 

Thus ended what was believed to be the last of the 
many critical debates on Palestine that had occupied 
the attention of Parliament at intervals for over a quarter 
of a century. During that period all aspects and facets 
of British policy in Palestine, its principles and instru- 
ments, its aims, vacillations, and vagaries, and all 
spheres of Jewish economic and cultural progress, were 
examined, dissected, and analysed, in the light of British 
promises, Jewish aspirations, and Arab protests. Now at 
last there had been what all regarded as a final inquest, 
some months before the awaited death of the Mandate, 
the international covenant which had given Jewry such 
a splendid opportunity of laying the foundations of their 


National Home, and Britain both the honour of sharing 
In the revival of the Holy Land and the privilege of 
discharging a mission that had ultimately proved to be 
Incompatible with her policy. The great partnership of 
which that wise and sympathetic statesman, the author 
of the Balfour Declaration, had spoken in 1920, had come 
to a close. The epoch that he had ushered in was at an 
end, and a new one had begun. 




THE transformation of the Jewish National Home 
into the State of Israel was so great an epoch- 
making event that, in the light of the experience of other 
nations, it could hardly have been expected to occur 
without a certain amount of convulsion. But, while the 
birth of the Jewish State was inevitable, the bloodshed 
that accompanied it could have been very much less but 
for "the British Government's inexcusable abdication of 
all responsibility for the peace of Palestine, which made 
war, with all its tragic consequences, inevitable/' 1 The 
neglect of the General Assembly of the United Nations 
to make provision for the enforcement of its decision in 
favour of partition exposed the Holy Land to months of 
warfare and destruction. Despite its previous assurances, 
the British Government declared that it could not help 
in any way in the implementation of the decision: it 
would not allow a free port for Jewish immigration from 
February ist, 1948, or at any time while it held the 
Mandate, nor would it permit the United Nations' 
Commission to arrive until two weeks before the date it 
had fixed for relinquishing the Mandate namely. May 
1 5th. So short an interval was utterly insufficient to 
arrange for an orderly and progressive transfer of 
authority, especially in face of the threats to prevent or 
frustrate it. Moreover, although the Government allowed 
thousands of Arabs to invade Palestine, bent upon 
inciting and supporting the local Arabs in the fight 
against the United Nations' decision, it continued to 
prevent the landing of boatloads of Jewish refugees, 

1 Mr. L. S. Amery in The Twm, August 12th, 1950. 

THE STATE OF ISRAEL, 1947-1950 221 

who were deported to an Internment camp in Cyprus. 
This discriminatory policy provoked repeated acts of 
violence by the Irgun %vai Lenmi and the Stern group, 
which brought reprisals against the Tiskui) and caused an 
increase of tension. The Government accused the 
Executive of the Jewish Agency of failing to co-operate 
in the suppression of terrorism, but the Agency, who 
regularly denounced the terrorists and thwarted their 
plans whenever they could, declared that they could not 
co-operate with the Government as long as it based its 
policy upon the violation of the Mandate. 

The United Nations Commission complained to the 
Security Council that they were prevented from carrying 
out their duties, and that the situation in Palestine was 
rapidly deteriorating, whereupon the Council began to 
debate what it would do, and did nothing but debate. 
The United States delegate at first argued that the 
Security Council had no power to enforce a political 
settlement, but only to keep the peace; and after further 
discussion he announced that his Government aban- 
doned partition for the time and proposed a plan of 
Trusteeship for three years. This change of front caused 
consternation in Jewish circles and was rejected by both 
Jewish Agency and Arab States. Its effect was to re- 
double the determination of the Haganah, in the absence 
of the United Nations Commission, to do what it could 
to enforce the United Nations decision. 


The Jewish War of defence passed through three 
phases. The first extended from November soth, 1947, 
to May 1 4th, 1948, when the British Mandate came to 
an end. In the early months of the fighting the British 
either remained passive or else intervened by disarming 
Jews, thus enabling the Arabs to continue their attacks, 
and even court-martialled members of the Haganah for 
carrying arms and sent them to prison. The siege 
of Jerusalem began on December ist and continued 


uninterruptedly for five and a half months. There were 
incessant attacks upon the Jewish areas, the Old City, 
and the suburbs, without any attempt at intervention on 
the part of the British, who declared that they were 
"maintaining law and order. 55 The Palestine Post building 
was blown up, and hotels, houses, and offices in Ben 
Yehuda Street were also destroyed by an explosion, which 
killed 50 Jews. Some British policemen and soldiers 
were suspected of these outrages, but the Government 
considered that the evidence was "insufficient." More- 
over, part of the Jewish Agency headquarters was 
wrecked by a time-bomb, and a convoy consisting of 
Jewish scholars and scientists, doctors and nurses, was 
attacked by Arabs on the Mount Scopus road, on its way 
to the Hadassah Hospital and the Hebrew University, 
with the result that many were shot and burnt to death. 
Haganah won its first major victory in Jerusalem at the 
end of April, 1948, by capturing the Arab residential 
quarter of Katamon, from which snipers had harassed 
the Jewish quarters of Rehaviah and Kiryat Shmuel for 
months, although British troops were posted in the 
vicinity. A few weeks later the villas abandoned by Arab 
notables were housing Jewish refugees from the Old 

In the course of the month of April, the Arab rebel 
command became apprehensive of a coming Jewish 
offensive and gave orders for the Arab evacuation of the 
entire Sharon coastal district north of Tel-Aviv, leaving 
the area between that city and Zichron Jacob clear for 
the Jews. This was promptly followed by a general 
Jewish offensive to mop up Arab resistance within the 
Jewish defence area. This operation started on April 
1 3th in Tiberias, which the Haganah quickly occupied, 
and was soon followed by the capture of Safed. In the 
middle of April the British evacuated several army camps 
and installations in Haifa, whereupon the Jews advanced 
to take control, and in a thirty-six-hour battle the whole 
city fell to the Haganah,, excepting the port area, which 
came later under Jewish military control. At the end of 

THE STATE OF ISRAEL, 1947-1950 223 

the month the Haganah and the Irgun began an action 
against Jaffa, which was held up by British troops. But 
panic seized the Arabs, most of whom fled by sea and 
land, and when the British Army withdrew on May 1 2th 
a few Arab notables surrendered Jaffa to the Jews in 
order to save it from destruction by battle* The conquest 
of Jaffa put almost the entire area allotted to the Jews 
by the partition plan under Jewish military control. As 
the end of the Mandatory regime approached, the flight 
hysteria of the Arabs spread, and all the twelve members 
of the Arab Higher Committee secretly left the country. 
On the other hand, only one or two small Jewish settle- 
ments, faced by hopeless odds, were evacuated, while the 
defenders of the Kfar Etzyon area, after putting up a 
most violent and heroic resistance, were overcome by the 
far stronger forces of the Arab Legion. 


The Mandatory Government anticipated the date 
fixed for its liquidation by a day. On Friday, May I4th, 
1948, the Union Jack was hauled down from Govern- 
ment House in Jerusalem, and the last High Commis- 
sioner, Sir Alan Cunningham, departed in a warship. 
But as the Mandatory regime neared its death, the State 
of Israel suddenly sprang into life. Realising that the 
withdrawal of the British Administration without any 
transfer of authority to the United Nations Commission 
would involve the country in chaos and expose it to 
invasion by the neighbouring Arab States, the Executive 
of the Jewish Agency and the VaadLeumi decided to take 
timely measures for the establishment of the Jewish State 
and its organised defence. Plans had been discussed by 
the Zionist General Council in Tel- Aviv in April, when 
all parties agreed that the expiry of the Mandate should 
be followed immediately by the creation of the Jewish 
State. This momentous historic event took place at a 
joint session of the Executive of the Jewish Agency and 
the Vaad Leumi in Tel-Aviv, on Friday afternoon, 


May 1 4th, when Mr. David Ben-Gurion, as Prime 
Minister of the new State, read an impressive proclama- 
tion in the name of the National Council, representing 
the Jewish people in Palestine and the Zionist move- 
ment. After recalling the series of events that had led to 
the consummation of the Jewish national hope, the 
declaration stated: 

"By virtue of the natural and historic rights of the Jewish people 
and of the resolution of the General Assembly of the United Nations, 
we hereby proclaim the establishment of the Jewish State in Pales- 
tine to be called Israel. We hereby declare that, as from the term- 
ination of the Mandate at midnight this night o*f the I4th to I5th 
May, 1948, and until the setting up of the duly elected bodies of the 
State in accordance with a constitution to be drawn up by a 
Constituent Assembly not later than the first day of October, 
1948, the present National Council shall act as the Provisional 
State Council, and its executive organ, the National Administra- 
tion, shall constitute the Provisional Government of the State of 

f"The State of Israel will be open to the immigration of Jews from 
all the countries of their dispersion and will promote the develop- 
ment of the country for the benefit of all its inhabitants; will be 
based on the precepts of liberty, justice, and peace taught by the 
Hebrew prophets; will uphold the full social and political equality 
of its citizens without distinction of race, creed, or sex, and will 
guarantee full freedom of conscience, worship, education, and 
culture. It will safeguard the sanctity and inviolability of the shrines 
and Holy Places of all religions and will dedicate itself to the 
principles of the Charter of the United Nations. The State of 
Israel will be ready to co-operate with the organs and representa- 
tives of the United Nations in the implementation of the resolution 
of the Assembly of November sgth, 1947, and will take steps to 
bring about the economic union of the whole of Palestine. We 
appeal to the United Nations to assist the Jewish people in the 
building of its State and to admit Israel into the family of nations. 
In the midst of wanton aggression we yet call upon the Arab 
inhabitants of Israel to return to the ways of peace and to play their 
part in the development of the State with full and equal citizenship 
and due representation in all its bodies and institutionis, provisional 
or permanent. We offer peace and amity to all the neighbouring 
States and their peoples, and invite them to co-operate with the 
independent Jewish nation for the common good of all. The State 
of Israel is ready to contribute its Ml share to the peaceful progress 
aad the reconstitution of the Middle East." 


This proclamation was accompanied by an announce- 
ment of the names of the twelve members of the Cabinet, 
in which Mr. Ben-Gurion was Minister of Defence as 
well as Prime Minister, and Mr. Moshe Shertok (later 
changed to Sharett), Foreign Secretary. Dr. Weizmann, 
who had been at the head of the Zionist movement for 
nearly thirty years, was declared President of the Pro- 
visional Government. As soon as President Truman was 
informed of the establishment of the State he accorded 
it de facto recognition, an act that was followed soon 
afterwards by the Soviet Union, Poland, South Africa, 
and other States. 


The second phase of the war began as soon as the 
Mandate came to an end and lasted until June nth, 
when the first truce was declared by the Security Council. 
Troops of the regular armies of Transjordan, Egypt, 
Syria, Lebanon, and Iraq, variously reported at first as 
numbering 12,000 and 25,000, and later 40,000, marched 
into Palestine from the east, south, and north, heavily 
armed with the latest British tanks, planes, and guns, 
and partly commanded (particularly as regards those 
from Transjordan) by British officers. The Arabs who 
fled by tens of thousands, despite assurances given by 
Haganah commanders that they would not touch them 
nor seize their property, were urged to do so by their 
own leaders, who wished to facilitate the movement of 
their troops and made them believe that they would 
soon be able to return and take possession of Jewish 

The Arab armies at first directed their attacks mainly 
against Jerusalem and the road from this city to Tel- 
Aviv, but the Jewish troops offered very vigorous and 
determined resistance and prevented them from making 
any appreciable advance. Within a week from the 
beginning of the invasion, the Security Council ap- 
pointed Count Folke Bernadotte, of Sweden, as mediator 


in order to effect a truce and arrange a peaceful settle- 
ment. But hostilities continued for a few weeks, and it 
was not until June nth that a month's truce, accepted 
unconditionally by both sides, began. During the fighting 
the Jews in the Old City of Jerusalem had been subjected 
to a devastating siege, over twenty synagogues were 
destroyed by Arab guns, and many Jewish lives were 
lost. Driven by necessity, the Jewish forces had accom- 
plished the astonishing feat of constructing a new road 
on the hill-encumbered route from Jerusalem to Tel- 
Aviv, a sort of "Burma Road, 55 which was called the 
"Road of Courage. 55 In the midst of the war all the 
remaining British troops in the country left from Haifa 
on June 3Oth, and the city and port were immediately 
taken under control by the forces of the Haganah. 


After a month 5 s truce was over, Count Bernadotte 
submitted his peace proposals to the Jews and the Arabs. 
The main points were that Palestine and Transjordan 
should form a single unit with an Arab and a Jewish 
member; that each member should regulate its own 
immigration for two years, after which each could 
request the Security Council to review the immigration 
policy of the other; that the whole or part of the Negev 
should be included in the Arab territory, and the whole 
or part of Western Galilee should be included in the 
Jewish territory; that the City of Jerusalem should be 
within the Arab territory, with municipal autonomy for 
the Jewish community and special protection for the Holy 
Places; and that Haifa should be a "free port 55 and 
Lydda a "free airport. 55 These proposals were rejected 
by both Jews and Arabs, and hostilities immediately 
broke out again. During this third period of fighting, 
which began on July gth, the Arab armies were joined 
by a contingent from Saudi-Arabia. The Jewish army, 
which had meanwhile been reorganised and was now 
supported by an air force, made substantial gains, and 

THE STATE OF ISRAEL, 1947-1950 227 

not only established Itself firmly on the territory assigned 
to it by the United Nations but also took part of the 
territory allotted to the Arab State. The Arab losses 
amounted to 5,000 killed and wounded, and the Jews 
took 5,000 Arab prisoners, 14 Arab towns^ and 200 Arab 
villages. The Arab armies, which suffered from divided 
and unskilful leadership, were exposed to imminent 
defeat when, after ten days' bitter fighting, Count Berna- 
dotte succeeded in arranging a second truce without a 
time limit. 1 

For several weeks the mediator then devoted himself to 
negotiations with members of the Provisional Govern- 
ment of Israel and with representatives of the Arab 
States for the purpose of ascertaining upon what terms 
he could draw up proposals for a peace settlement. He 
had just despatched his Report to the Secretary-General 
of the United Nations when, upon returning to Jerusa- 
lem on September I7th, he and his assistant, Colonel 
Serot, were shot dead. Members of a group called 
"Fatherland Front 55 (Hazith Hamoledeth}> suspected of 
being connected with the Stern Group, claimed respon- 
sibility for the assassination, which, they stated, they had 
committed because they regarded Count Bernadotte as 
an instrument of British policy. 2 The Provisional Govern- 
ment of Israel immediately denounced the dastardly 
crime, arrested 200 members of the Stern Group in the 
attempt to capture the culprits, and proclaimed the 
group an illegal body. 3 They also compelled the section 
of the Irgun %oai Leumi in Jerusalem to follow the example 

1 The Times Middle East correspondent, in a special article, wrote; "Had the 
second truce not supervened, the Arabs would have had to face the possibility of 
defeat, not under pressure from the United Nations, but at the hands of the Jews 
whom they had derided." 

2 A few weeks before this assassination, two French truce observers were mur- 
dered hi cold blood at Gaza airfield by "irregulars serving with the Egyptian 
forces," and clothing and jewellery were stripped from the bodies. 

3 After an exchange of notes between Sweden and Israel over the assassination 
of Count Bernadotte, the Swedish Foreign Office announced on July 5th, 1950, 
that the case was considered closed. The final note from Sweden on the subject 
expressed satisfaction that the Government of Israel had regretted the short- 
comings in the Israel police inquiry into the assassination, had accepted full 
responsibility for what had occurred, and had paid to the United Nations the sum 
claimed as reparation for the monetary damage borne by the U.N. in connection 
with the murder (Jewish Chronicle, July yth, 1950). 


set by the section within the State of Israel a few months 
earlier by surrendering their arms., disbanding, and 
submitting to the authority of the Government. 


Count Bernadotte's Report, which was addressed to 
the General Assembly that met in Paris at the end of 
September, 1948, was an exhaustive survey of the 
Palestine question and contained specific proposals for 
a settlement. The most important conclusion at which 
he arrived was that the Jewish State in Palestine is a 
"living, solidly entrenched, and vigorous reality,** 
established within a semicircle of gunfire. The Jews, he 
wrote, had given a convincing demonstration of their 
skill and tenacity, and whatever the future might hold 
for them the conclusion was inescapable that a Jewish 
State in Palestine, fully sovereign, was actually in 
existence, and that Arab determination to eliminate it 
could only be realised by armed force prohibited by the 
Security Council. The Arabs had made "a tragic mis- 
take 55 in employing force, and had the war continued 
"it would most likely have ended in stalemate, in itself 
tantamount to a Jewish victory." The Report set forth 
seven basic premises for a settlement: (i) the need for 
peace in Palestine, (2) the existence of the State of Israel, 
(3) the determination of boundaries either by formal 
agreement or by the United Nations, (4) adhering to the 
principle of geographical homogeneity and integration 
applying equally to Arab and Jewish territory, (5) the 
right of innocent people to return to their homes, (6) 
special treatment for the City of Jerusalem because of its 
religious and international significance, and (7) the 
expression of international responsibility in the form of 

The mediator urged that, since the Security Council 
had forbidden further military action, the existing truce 
should be superseded by a formal peace, or, as a minimum, 
an armistice involving either complete withdrawal 


and demobilisation of armed forces or their wide 
separation by the creation of broad demilitarised zones 
under United Nations supervision. The frontiers between 
Arab and Jewish territories, in the absence of agreement 
between the two sides, should be delimited by a technical 
commission of the United Nations along the lines of the 
Assembly resolution of November 1947, but with the 
following emendations: the Negev should be defined as 
Arab territory, Galilee should be defined as Jewish 
territory, and Haifa and Lydda airport should be 
declared free ports. The disposition of the Arab terri- 
tories of Palestine should be left to the Arab States, and 
they might, if necessary, be included in Transjordan. 
Jerusalem should be under the control of the United 
Nations, but with a maximum measure of autonomy for 
its Arab and Jewish communities, and with safeguards 
for free access to the Holy Places and full religious 
freedom. The concluding part of the Report dealt with 
the plight of the 360,000 Arab refugees 1 from Jewish- 
occupied Palestine, and stressed the responsibility of the 
United Nations to provide for their care and resettle- 
ment, even if they were able to return to their homes. 


The United States Government immediately an- 
nounced their approval of the Bernadotte proposals, and 
the British Government promptly followed with a similar 
declaration. Thus, after the lapse of ten months since 
the decision of the United Nations, and over three years 
since the request made by the Executive of the Jewish 
Agency, Britain was at last reconciled to the establish- 
ment of a Jewish State. Her tardy recognition 2 of the 
Jewish claim had cost thousands of lives, the destruction 
of a great deal of property, the creation of a formidable 
Arab refugee problem, the internment of tens of thou- 
sands of Jews, the waste of millions of pounds on futile 

1 The number increased later to about 550,000 and was estimated or exaggerated 
still further by the Arab League. 

2 Formal de facto recognition was deferred until January 28th, 1949. 


fighting, and international strife and bitterness. All these 
evils could have been avoided* yet the founders of the 
Jewish State, in their hour of triumph, were nevertheless 
conscious of the debt that they owed to Britain for having 
made possible by the Balfour Declaration of 1917 the 
development of the Jewish National Home, without 
which the State could not have arisen. They only 
regretted that the wisdom that had inspired British 
policy in regard to Jewish aspirations at the end of the 
First World War had not been equally manifested at the 
end of the Second. 


The Bernadotte proposals were rejected, however, by 
both Israel and the Arab States. The latter persisted in 
their futile demand for an undivided Palestine under 
Arab rule. The Government of Israel adopted a firm 
stand on the basis of the General Assembly's decision of 
November sgth, 1947, and demanded that the frontiers 
laid down in that decision should be modified somewhat 
in view of the situation created as a result of the Arab 
invasion and the necessity of making Israel's borders 
defensible. They were opposed to the transfer of the Negev 
to the Arabs in exchange for Western Galilee, as it 
formed over two-thirds of Israel's territory and was 
indispensable for large-scale colonisation. They also 
insisted upon a territorial link between their State and 
Jerusalem, which was essential for the defence of the city, 
and likewise upon the incorporation of the Jewish part 
of the city, as well as the inclusion of Lydda and Haifa, 
within Israel. They agreed, however, to the establishment 
by the United Nations of an international regime for 
Jerusalem concerned exclusively with the control and 
protection of Holy Places and sites. 

The Palestine question formed one of the most con- 
troversial problems at the meeting of the General 
Assembly in Paris, which began in the latter part of 
September, 1948. It was the subject of countless speeches 

THE STATE OF ISRAEL,, 1947-1950 231 

in the Political Committee, in which proposals,, resolu- 
tions, amendments, and counter-amendments followed 
one another in wearisome succession, Britain urged the 
adoption of the Bernadotte recommendations; Soviet 
Russia adhered to the General Assembly's decision of 
November 29th, 1947; while America's original ap- 
proval of the Bernadotte Report was superseded by a 
declaration of President Truman, that he would not 
agree to any change of the General Assembly's historic 
decision that would not be acceptable to the State of 


When the deliberations in Paris began s Israel actually 
held only a quarter of the area of the State. Central 
Galilee was in the hands of Fawzi el-Kawukji's so-called 
"Liberation Army" and the Lebanese forces. The entire 
South was cut off. The Egyptian forces had advanced 
along the coast to a point less than 40 kilometres from 
Tel- Aviv, and the approaches to Jerusalem were blocked. 
When a Jewish convoy ventured south, in accordance 
with a United Nations resolution, it was attacked by the 
Egyptians. Thereupon the Israeli air-force went into 
action and organised "air-lifts 35 for the relief of the 
settlements in the Negev. There was an engagement also 
at sea, lasting only a few minutes, in which two Egyptian 
naval units were sunk off Gaza by the young Israeli 
navy. The Jewish land forces succeeded in piercing the 
Egyptian front to secure a link with the settlements in 
the south, and captured Beersheba 1 , the pivotal point in 
the communications system of Southern Palestine. 
Fighting in the north also, around the Jewish settlement 
of Manara, took place as the result of an attack by 
el-Kawukji, with the help of Lebanese and Iraqi troops. 
But in the course of a lightning campaign of less than 
three days the Jewish forces routed the Arab attack and 
drove the "Liberation Army 55 completely out of Galilee. 2 

The Security Council, anxious to bring hostilities to 

i October sist, 1948. 2 October 3ist, 1948. 


an end, adopted a resolution on November i6th, appeal- 
ing to both sides to negotiate an armistice settlement. 
Israel was willing, but the Egyptians renewed the attack 
against the Jewish settlements and defence lines in the 
south. At the end of December fighting broke out along 
the whole of the Negev front. Egyptian aircraft raided 
Rehovoth and Jerusalem, while Egyptian ships bom- 
barded the coast near Tel-Aviv. But the Israeli forces 
repulsed the attack with heavy losses to the invaders and 
even carried the war into their territory, crossing into 
the Sinai Peninsula and attacking various concentration 
points. King Farouk's dream of a triumphant march 
into Tel-Aviv was shattered. The victory of Israel pro- 
duced an unexpected reaction in the British Foreign 
Office: British naval forces were despatched to Aqaba, 
considerable British air reinforcements arrived at Mafraq 
in Transjordan, and a military post was established at 
Aqaba. The reason alleged for these measures was that 
King Abdullah had appealed for protection, but the 
reports published at the time showed that his appeal, to 
say the least, had been intelligently anticipated. 


While the fighting had been going on in Palestine during 
the last quarter of 1948 the General Assembly was dis- 
cussing the Bernadotte proposals, but owing to the 
diversity and contrariety of the views expressed the 
protracted debate resulted in their being dropped 
altogether, as the requisite majority could not be 
obtained in their favour. The resolution that was eventu- 
ally adopted on December nth, 1948, by 35 votes to 15 
(with 8 abstentions) did not define the areas that should 
constitute the Jewish and the Arab States. It was limited 
to the establishment of a Conciliation Commission 
consisting of three States members of the United Nations, 
who should undertake the functions assigned to the 
Mediator on Palestine and negotiate immediately with 
"the Governments and authorities concerned . . . with 


a view to a final settlement of all questions outstanding 
between them." The resolution laid down that the holy 
places, including Nazareth, religious buildings and sites 
in Palestine, should be protected and free access to them 
assured under effective United Nations supervision, that 
the Jerusalem area should be placed under effective 
United Nations control, be demilitarised at the earliest 
possible date, and be subject to "a permanent inter- 
national regime . . . providing the maximum local 
autonomy for distinctive groups"; and that "the freest 
possible access to Jerusalem by road, rail or air should be 
accorded to all inhabitants of Palestine." The Com- 
mission elected consisted of the United States, France, 
and Turkey. It was authorised to appoint subsidiary 
bodies and technical experts, and was provided with 
United Nations guards to protect its staff and head- 
quarters in Jerusalem. 

After the adoption of this resolution in the General 
Assembly, the Security Council voted on the application 
of Israel for admission to the United Nations. The 
application, which was strongly supported by the United 
States and Soviet Russia, was rejected, as it failed to 
receive the requisite seven votes. There were only five 
votes in favour, one (Syria) against, and five abstentions. 
The British delegate gave as his reason for abstaining 
that admission was premature while Israel's boundaries 
remained undefined and the state of military operations 
remained fluid. 1 The Israeli Government consoled itself 
with the conviction that its entry into the United 
Nations was now only a matter of time. 


Unaffected by this momentary setback, the Govern- 
ment proceeded early in 1949 to hold a general election 

1 In the House of Commons debate on Foreign Affairs on December gth and i oth, 
1948, Mr. Winston Churchill and Mr. Eden, for the Conservative Party, strongly 
urged the Government to give Israel de facto recognition and send a political 
representative to Tel-Aviv. Mr. Churchill said: "No part of the Government's 
policy has been more marked by misjudgment and mismanagement than Palestine." 
Britain accorded de facto recognition to Israel on January a8th, 1949, and dejure 
recognition on April 27th, 1950. 


for the Constituent Assembly. It took place at the end of 
January, on a democratic basis, with women also exer- 
cising the suffrage. The total number of votes cast was 
440,095, forming 86-8 per cent, of the electorate. 
There were over a dozen parties and groups, and the 
results (excluding groups that obtained no seats 1 ) were 
as follows: 

Votes Per cent. Seats 

Mapai (Labour) . . 155,274 34*70 46 
Mapam (United Workers) . 64,018 14*54 Z 9 
United Religious Front 2 . 52,982 12-03 16 
Herut (Freedom Party, form- 
erly Irgun) . . . 49>782 ii*3 14 
General Zionists . . 22,661 5 %I 4 7 
Progressive Front . . 17,786 4*04 5 
Sephardi Group . . 153287 3-47 4 
Communist Party . . 1 5 , 1 48 3-44 4 3 
Nazareth (Arab) Bloc . 7^387 1-67 2 
Women's International 

Zionist Organisation . 5, 1 73 1-17 i 
Stern Group (Fighters) . 5>37o 1*22 i 
Yemenites . . . 4,399 0-99 i 

415.267 93-71 120 
Twelve of the seats were won by women. 4 

At the first meeting of the Knesset, as the Constituent 
Assembly was called, held on February i4th in Jerusalem 
for both historic and political reasons. Dr. Weizmann 
was elected President of the State and the members were 
sworn in. Mr. Ben-Gurion, as leader of Mapai, the 
strongest party, formed a Coalition Cabinet of twelve 
members with the co-operation of three other groups 

1 The Revisionists received only 3,000 votes. 

2 The United Religious Front is composed of four parties two workers' parties, 
Hapoel Hamizracki (Orthodox Labour) and Poale Agudath Israel (Ultra-Orthodox 
Labour), and two middle-class, Mizrachi (Orthodox) and Agudath Israel (Ultra- 

3 One Communist was an Arab and a Jewish Communist later joined Mapam. 
* In the Municipal Elections in November, 1950, the Mapai vote dropped to 26*9 

per cent., Mapam to 1 1 8 per cent., Herut to 1 0-5 per cent., while the General Zionists 
rose to 25*2 per cent,, and the Religious bloc obtained 12*8 per cent. 


Religious Front, the Progressive Front, and the Sephard 
group, supported by 75 members. Of the seven Mapa\ 
seats Mr. Ben-Gurion, in addition to the Premiership, 
retained the post of Minister of Defence, which he had 
held for 9 months in the Provisional Government. Othei 
members of the Cabinet were Moshe Sharett, Foreign 
Minister; Eliezer Kaplan, Finance; David Rernez, 
Communications; Dov Joseph, Supply; Zalman Shatzai 
(formerely Rubashov), Education; Goldie Meyerson 3 
Labour; Rabbi J. L. Maimon (formerly Fishman) 3 
Religion; Rabbi Meir Levin, Social Welfare; Moshe 
Shapiro, Interior and Immigration; Pinhas Rosen 
(formerly Rosenblueth), Justice; and Behor Shitrit, 
Police. In the programme that the Prime Minister out- 
lined in the course of a four-hour speech, at the first 
meeting of the Knesset held in its new home in Tel- Aviv, 
were the following important points: collective respons- 
ibility to be binding on all Government members, equality 
of rights and obligations regardless of creed, race, and 
nationality, equality for women, foreign policy to be based 
on loyalty to the United Nations Charter, general military 
service, ingathering of the exiles, a four-year economic 
development plan, free and compulsory education, re- 
settlement of ex-servicemen, Labour legislation, and a 
Civil Service appointments system based on examinations 
conducted by an independent Commission. 


At the same time as the organs of government were 
being established and legal measures were being drafted 
for the consolidation and advancement of the State, 
negotiations were being conducted with the Arab States 
for the ending of hostilities. The Egyptian Government, 
realising the futility of further fighting, had declared 
itself ready on January 5th, 1949, to negotiate an 
armistice agreement with Israel, and the offer was 
readily accepted. Thanks to the efforts of the United 
Nations negotiator, Dr, Bunche, an armistice agreement 


between Israel and Egypt was signed on February 24th. 
Eleven days later a Jewish force, which had pushed 
southward from the Dead Sea, reached the Gulf of 
Aqaba and took possession of a six-mile stretch of territory 
around Eylath, between the Transjordan and Egyptian 
borders; and presently another force occupied Engeddi, 
on the western shore of the Dead Sea* These acts were 
followed shortly by armistice agreements with Lebanon 
and Transjordan, and, after difficult negotiations, by 
an agreement on July soth with Syria, which pro- 
vided for the withdrawal of Syrian forces from Israel's 
territory and the establishment of a demilitarised zone 
in the frontier region. These armistice agreements, 
made after Galilee had been liberated and the Negev 
also secured for Jewish settlement, conferred the status 
of legality upon Israel's territorial position and pre- 
pared the way for the opening of peace negotiations. 
Iraq refused to sign an agreement, but nevertheless 
withdrew her army for a "victory" parade in Bagdad. 


After three months of preliminary discussions with the 
Government of Israel and the Arab States the Palestine 
Conciliation Commission appointed by the General 
Assembly convened a Conference at Lausanne, to which 
both parties were invited. The Israel Delegation arrived 
there at the end of April, 1949, with full authority to 
negotiate a peace settlement. It informed the Com- 
mission that Israel was prepared to help in the solution 
of the Arab refugee problem in co-operation with the 
United Nations and the Arab States, and as part of a 
general settlement. It submitted draft proposals for the 
final conclusion of hostilities, mutual guarantee of 
frontiers, and recourse to international arbitration for 
the settlement of outstanding disputes. It also submitted 
proposals regarding the fixing of boundaries between 
Israel and the Arab States and a settlement of the 
Jerusalem question. As regards the Arab refugee 

THE STATE OF ISRAEL, 1947-1950 237 

problem, Israel was prepared to arrange for the reunion 
of Arab families separated by the hostilities, to guarantee 
the civil rights of minorities within its territory, and to 
pay compensation in respect of cultivated lands aband- 
oned by Arab owners. None of these proposals evoked 
any response from the Arab Delegations, who apparently 
had no authority to conclude a peace but had been sent 
to Lausanne merely to arrange for the repatriation of 
all Arab refugees to Israel. Owing to the impasse thus 
created the Conference was suspended for several weeks. 
Meanwhile Israel had been admitted as a member of 
the United Nations on nth May, 1949, by decision of 
the Security Council and the General Assembly, and 
Israel's Foreign Minister, Moshe Sharett, took his seat 
in the General Assembly. When the Lausanne Con- 
ference was resumed, the Conciliation Commission 
proposed the appointment of a Survey Commission to 
examine the possibilities of resettling the Arab refugees 
in the Middle East generally as part of a scheme of 
Middle Eastern economic reconstruction. An Economic 
Survey Group was accordingly appointed, with Mr. 
Gordon Clapp, an American, as Chairman, and Sir 
Desmond Morton as British representative, in addition 
to the French and Turkish members. 

Before it dispersed in the middle of September, the 
Conciliation Commission published the details of a 
scheme it had elaborated for the establishment of an 
international regime for Jerusalem and its environs. 
The scheme provided for the setting up of a two-zone 
international regime in a permanently neutralised and 
demilitarised Greater Jerusalem, including Bethlehem 
and Ein Karm, with a United Nations 5 Commissioner 
as the supreme authority. It recognised the existing 
zones administered by Israel and Transjordan respect- 
tively, and recommended that a large measure of local 
self-government be accorded to the two administrations, 
but with final authority vested in a General Council 
consisting of 14 members appointed for three years, and 
the United Nations' Commissioner who would preside. 


Five members each were to be appointed by the 
responsible authorities of the Jewish and Arab zones, and 
two each to be selected by the Commissioner from 
among the residents of the Jewish and Arab zones 
respectively. The scheme forbade any immigration into 
the Jerusalem area and provided that in both zones only 
municipal offices should be maintained, thus implicitly 
prohibiting the establishment of any government offices 
within the precincts of Jerusalem. It included further 
provisions for the establishment of an International 
Tribunal and a Mixed Tribunal and for the permanent 
demilitarisation of the Jerusalem area, thus emphasising 
the international character of the proposed regime. 


This scheme was quite unacceptable to the Govern- 
ment of Israel. Its view on the question of the future of 
Jerusalem had already been expounded on the eve of its 
admittance to the United Nations, and it was reiterated 
at the meeting of the General Assembly in the autumn of 
1949, at Lake Success, with cogency and in detail. In a 
comprehensive memorandum that Israel's delegation 
submitted to the ad hoc Political Committee in the middle 
of November, the Conciliation Commission's plan was 
rejected and the offer was made that Israel should enter 
into international agreements with the United Nations 
to ensure the safety of the Holy Places in Jerusalem and 
free access to them as well as to guarantee religious rights. 
The memorandum described the plan as "unjust and 
unrealistic/' and pointed out that the United Nations 
had no legal or effective authority over Jerusalem and 
that auy attempt to implement the scheme would be 
resisted by the local people. The reasons advanced for 
Israel's rejection of internationalisation were the follow- 
ing: it would break the ties between modern Jerusalem 
and the rest of Israel; reduce the Jews, the majority of 
the city's population, to a minority in the proposed 
General Council; restrict Jewish immigration; impose 

THE STATE OF ISRAEL, 1947-1950 239 

economic stagnation by decree and reduce Jerusalem 
to the status of a "languishing borough"; expose Jewish 
residents to attack by Arab forces; cancel the Israel- 
Jordan 1 agreement; and destroy the dignity and author- 
ity of the Israel Government. King Abdullah likewise 
rejected the plan for internationalisation. 

The British Government had already expressed its 
doubts about the feasibility of such internationalisation. 
In the House of Commons on April i4th, 1949, Mr. 
Christopher Mayhew, Under Secretary for Foreign 
Affairs, made a statement in which he said that "to 
impose an international regime in a considerable area 
foreseen by the United Nations would be a very con- 
siderable task. It would require a very large police force 
and administration. We must, therefore, have some 
doubts ... as to how far the scheme of full interna- 
tionalisation can in fact be worked." 

The British view was expressed more definitely eight 
months later, when Sir Alexander Cadogan told the 
United Nations Special Political Committee at Lake 
Success that Britain was opposed to the proposal for full 
international control of Jerusalem. The case against 
internationalisation was argued fully and forcibly by 
Israel's Foreign Minister, Mr. Sharett, who pointed 
out that Jerusalem, though sacred to the whole modern 
world, had never played a decisive part in the life of any 
people but the Jews, that Jewish Jerusalem already, 
formed part of the Jewish State, and that Israel was 
willing to sign an agreement with the United Nations 
to safeguard the sanctuaries. The delegates of the United 
States and other Governments also opposed the plan for 
internationalisation. But there was a formidable array 
of States who, actuated by extremely different motives, 
advocated the plan vigorously: they consisted of the 
Soviet bloc, all the Moslem States, and many Catholic 
countries, including thirteen from South America. 
It was a strange alliance of the Kremlin, the Vatican, and 

1 The Government of Transjordan announced on June 2nd, 1949, that the name 
of the country would be changed to the Hashimite Kingdom of the Jordan. 


Islam. IB the final vote in the General Assembly, on 
December gth, there were 38 In favour of Jerusalem 
being established as a corpus separatum under a special 
international regime to be administered by the Trustee- 
ship Council, 14 were against, and 6 abstained. 

The proceedings at Lake Success were followed 
anxiously by the people in Israel The Prime Minister, 
Mr. Ben-Gurion, declared that the United Nations' 
decision was "utterly incapable of implementation, if 
only because of the determined and unalterable opposi- 
tion of the inhabitants of Jerusalem themselves," and 
that "for the State of Israel there has always been, 
and always will be, one capital only, Jerusalem the 
Eternal." He also announced that the Knesset (Legisla- 
tive Assembly) would in future meet in Jerusalem, and 
various Government Ministries would be transferred 
there. In the Holy City itself, in the presence of 20,000 
Jews standing with upraised right arms around HerzFs 
grave, the Chief Rabbi solemnly repeated the Psalmist's 
oath of loyalty: "If I forget thee, O Jerusalem, may my 
right hand forget its cunning. 53 Soon afterwards the 
Knesset began to meet in Jerusalem, which the Govern- 
ment now regarded as its capital, and several ministries 
were transferred there from Hakiryah> the Government 
quarter established not far from Tel- Aviv. 

It was clear that the Trusteeship Council had been 
entrusted with an impracticable task, and that the 
decision of the General Assembly would have to be 
revised. The Soviet Union, realising the impractability 
of the internationaKsation scheme, also declared its 
opposition to it, and it was therefore dropped. At a 
meeting of the Trusteeship Council in June, 1950, Mr. 
Aubrey Eban, Israel's Ambassador to the United States, 
submitted a new and elaborate memorandum, proposing 
that (instead of the previous scheme for an agreement 
between Israel and the U.N.) the United Nations should 
adopt and implement a Statute empowering a U.N. 
Authority to take effective control of Jerusalem's Holy 
Places and all other related matters of universal religious 


concern. When the General Assembly met at Lake 
Success in the autumn of 1950, the question of the future 
of the City of Peace was overshadowed by the far more 
momentous issue of the peace of the world, but Israelis 
new proposals had meanwhile secured the support of 
a number of important States. 

A Belgian proposal, however, at the end of the session, 
for a four-member committee to make a further study 
of the situation, was rejected by the General Assembly, 
whereupon the Israeli delegation declared that this 
rejection, following the failure of the Trusteeship Coun- 
cil to implement the internationalisation resolution, was 
"welcome evidence that the international community 
did not desire to impose a regime on the people of 
Jerusalem against their will." 


The revival of the Jewish State, which had been the 
dream of countless generations in all lands, has now 
become a living and pulsating reality. Small though it be, 
it is endowed with all the attributes and symbols, with 
all the appurtenances and responsibilities, of a sovereign 
power. It has not only a valiant army that has proved 
the match of the combined forces of six Arab States, but 
also an efficient air force and a small but growing navy. 
It has a well-organised and honest police force. It has its 
own postage stamps, banknotes, and coinage. It has an 
able Legislative Assembly, with several rival parties, and 
its own courts of law of varied degree. It has now been 
recognised by some sixty States, and its representatives 
take part in all international conferences. It is officially 
represented by Legations and Consulates in many capi- 
tals, and has welcomed the Ministers of the United 
States, Great Britain, the Soviet Union, and many other 
governments to its own metropolis. It has a national 
fiscal system, and adopted a budget of 56,800,000 for 
the year 1950 besides a budget of 65,000,000 for 
development projects. It has brought Jews into the 



country at a rate ranging from 20,000 to 30,000 a 
month, and is resolved to continue bringing them 
in on a large scale, until all Jewish displaced persons 
and refugees, and all Jews anxious to quit lands of 
intolerance, particularly Moslem territories, as well 
as Jews from other parts, are safely settled within its 

In the first two and a half years of its existence Israel 
increased its population by 500,000, and now has a total 
of over 1,000,000 Jews, which is steadily increasing. 
Indeed, the right of every Jew to enter Israel and settle 
there was embodied in a special "Law on the Return to 
Zion," which was unanimously adopted by the Knesset 
on July 5th, 1950. The most impressive feature of recent 
immigration has been the very large proportion of Jews 
from Oriental countries, particularly the Yemen, Iraq, 
Persia, and the lands of North Africa. 1 A thrilling and spec- 
tacular episode was the transportation by air of practically 
the whole of the ancient community of the Yemen (about 
47,000 souls), who regarded their flight ("Operation 
Magic Carpet 55 ) as a fulfilment of the Biblical prophecy 
that they would be brought back to their ancestral land 
"on eagles' wings. 55 On the other hand, emigration from 
the Soviet satellite States in Eastern Europe, notably 
Poland, Hungary, and Rumania, has been at various times 
restricted, obstructed, or prohibited, although Bulgaria 
allowed the departure of over 35,000 Jews and Czechoslo- 
vakia of over 22,000. Owing to 'this prodigious influx 
within so short a space of time, and a large excess of im- 
ports over exports, Israel has to cope with serious economic 
problems which have necessitated a policy of austerity 
and the securing of considerable funds and investments 
from abroad, particularly the United States, where, in 
addition to a credit of 1 35,000,000 dollars granted by the 
Export-Import Bank, an Israeli bond issue of 1,000 
million dollars is to be floated. The new State has also 
to grapple with the problems involved in the adjustment 

1 In the year from October ist, 1549, to September 30th, 1950, there were 97,567 
immigrants from Oriental countries and 70,468 from European countries. See 
Appendix III. 

THE STATE OF ISRAEL, 1947-1950 243 

and integration of hosts of settlers from regions of widely 
contrasted cultural levels and social habits. There is 
furthermore the position of religion in the schools, 
settlements, and general daily life, which has already 
been the source of more than one Cabinet crisis, and 
which will call for both wise statesmanship and mutual 
tolerance if it is to find a satisfactory solution. The 
observance of the Sabbath and the dietary laws are 
two of the most hotly debated questions, while there 
are also others on which opinions are deeply divided. 
Nevertheless there is a feeling of buoyancy and optimism 
throughout the land, for national freedom and inde- 
pendence, after centuries of oppression, help to mitigate 
material discomforts and mental strains that will be 
lessened with time. 

Israel does not presume to claim the allegiance of Jews 
in other States, nor can any Jews expect its protection 
unless they become its subjects and citizens. The strong 
bond of sentiment that has linked Jews throughout the 
ages to- the land of their forefathers will persist and find 
expression not only in the forging of closer ties, but also 
in rendering the State whatever material and moral 
support they can, for its success will be to them a source 
of pride even as any failure will be regarded by a 
censorious world as a reflection upon them all. There 
was, indeed, for a time a serious discussion, among 
Zionist bodies on both sides of the Atlantic, of the ques- 
tion whether, after the establishment of the State, there 
was any further need for the Zionist Organisation, but 
it was soon realised that this still had an important 
function to fulfil. The Jews of the Diaspora will continue 
to maintain the Zionist Organisation, which will be 
devoted, as hitherto, to fostering the national idea and 
raising funds for the immigration and settlement of the 
needy myriads seeking to establish themselves in their 
ancestral homeland, and thus help the State whose 
revenue must cover a multiplicity of other purposes. The 
collaboration of the Jewish Agency with the Government 
is effected through a joint representative body created for 


the purpose of co-ordinating their respective activities in 
the spheres of immigration, absorption, and develop- 
ment, as well as to arrange financial matters between 

The immediate function of Israel is primarily to con- 
solidate itself for the advancement of the material and 
cultural welfare of all who throw in their lot with its 
future, a function that it can best achieve and is anxious 
to achieve if only it can live at peace with its Arab neigh- 
bours. Sooner or later these must realise that their 
interests too will be served by learning and adopting the 
scientific methods and technical efficiency in all fields of 
social, economic, and intellectual endeavour, which the 
new State is applying in the furtherance of its progress. 
And beyond the influence that it will exercise within its 
own borders and in the lands that lie adjacent, will also 
reign the spiritual influence which, nurtured from the 
teachings of the prophets of old, will reach and enrich 
the Jewish communities throughout the world. Closer 
bonds have already been created with many com- 
munities in the cultural field and also, particularly with 
the Jewries of America and other English-speaking 
lands, in the economic field (by investments and enter- 
prises in Israel); and although there is a small and 
clamant body .of opponents in the United States, 
its significance is of little account and will doubt- 
less become still less with the lapse of time. Israel is 
bound to exercise a conservative and centripetal influ- 
ence in the development of Jewish life in the Diaspora 
and to form a cardinal factor in Jewish thought and 
Jewish hopes in an even greater degree than was Pales- 
tine in the past. But while it may mould and colour 
the destinies of the Jewries of the world, it will, as a 
truly democratic and progressive force in a welter of 
competing polities and conflicting ideologies, make a 
contribution of unique value to the advancement of 



1862. Publication of Rome and Jerusalem, by Moses Hess. 
1870. Founding of Mikveh Israel Agricultural School. 
1882. Publication of Auto-Emancipation, by Leon 


Founding of Rishon le-Zion. 
1884. Kattowitz Conference of Hoveve Zion. 

1896. Publication of The Jewish State, by Theodor 


1897. First Zionist Congress at Basle (August sgth- 


1898. Second Zionist Congress Basle (August i5th~ 

Establishment of the Jewish Colonial Trust. 

1899. Third Zionist Congress at Basle (August I5th- 


1900. Fourth Zionist Congress in London (August 


1901. Fifth Zionist Congress at Basle (December 

The Jewish National Fund established. 

1903. Sixth Zionist Congress at Basle (August 23rd- 

Offer of territory in East Africa by British 

Government to the Zionist Organisation. 
Establishment of the Anglo-Palestine Company 

(later Bank). 

1904. Death of Dr. Theodor Herzl (July 4th). 

1905. Seventh Zionist Congress at Basle (July syth- 

August 2nd). 

Election of David Wolffsohn as President. 
Transference of Zionist Central Office from 

Vienna to Cologne. 


1907. Eighth Zionist Congress at The Hague (August 


Herzl "Gymnasium 53 (Higher Grade School) 
at Tel-Aviv opened. 

1908. Palestine Office at Jaffa opened. 

Palestine Land Development Company estab- 

1909. Ninth Zionist Congress at Hamburg (December 

1911. Tenth Zionist Congress at Basle (August gth- 

I 5 th). 
Transference of Zionist Central Office to Berlin. 

1913. Eleventh Zionist Congress at Vienna (September 


1914. Transference of Head Office of Jewish National 

Fund from Cologne to The Hague. 

1917. Promulgation of Balfour Declaration. 
London Bureau of Zionist Organisation estab- 

1918. Zionist Commission under Dr. Weizmann 

reaches Palestine (April 4th). 

1919. International Zionist Conference in London 

(February 23rd). 

Zionist Central Office established in London. 
Dr. Weizmann, Nahum Sokolow, and Menahem 

Ussishkin appear before Peace Conference in 

Paris (February syth). 

1920. Peace Conference at San Remo confers Palestine 

Mandate upon Great Britain (April 24th) . 

Zionist Conference in London elects Dr. Weiz- 
mann as President of the Zionist Organisation, 
and Nahum Sokolow as Chairman of the 

Establishment of the Keren Hayesod. 

Sir Herbert Samuel assumes office as first High 
Commissioner for Palestine (July ist). 

192 1 . Twelfth Zionist Congress at Carlsbad (September 


1922. Palestine Mandate confirmed by League of 

Nations in London (July 24th) * 

1923. Thirteenth Zionist Congress at Carlsbad (August 


1924. Opening of Institute of Jewish Studies at the 

Hebrew University (December 22nd). 

1925. Inauguration of Hebrew University by Lord 

Balfour (April ist). 
Lord Plumer succeeds Sir Herbert Samuel as 

High Commissioner for Palestine. 
Fourteenth Zionist Congress at Vienna (August 


1927. Fifteenth Zionist Congress at Basle (August 30th- 

September gth). 

1928. Sir John Chancellor succeeds Lord Plumer as 

High Commissioner for Palestine. 

1929. Sixteenth Zionist Congress at Zurich (July 28th- 

August nth). 
Establishment of enlarged Jewish Agency 

(Zurich, August I2th-i4th). 
Anti-Jewish outrages in Palestine (August 23rd- 


1930. Report of Shaw Commission of Inquiry pub- 

lished (March). 

Report of Sir John Hope Simpson on Immigra- 
tion, Land Settlement, and Development 
published, together with the Passfield White 
Paper (October 2ist). 

1931. Seventeenth Zionist Congress at Basle (June 

30th-~July 1 6th). 

Nahum Sokolow elected President of Zionist 
Organisation and Jewish Agency. 

Sir Arthur Wauchope succeeds Sir John Chan- 
cellor as High Commissioner for Palestine. 

1933. Eighteenth Zionist Congress at Prague (August 

2ist-September 3rd). 

1934. Keren Hayesod obtains loan of 500,000 from 

Lloyd's Bank, Limited. 


1935. Nineteenth Zionist Congress at Lucerne (August 

soth-September 3rd). 

Dr. Weizmann re-elected President of Zionist 
Organisation and Jewish Agency. 

1936. Beginning of Arab rebellion (April igth). 
Death of Nahum Sokolow (May lyth). 
Royal Commission arrives in Palestine (Novem- 

ber nth). 

1937. Publication of Royal Commission's Report (July 

Twentieth Zionist Congress at Zurich (August 

1938. Sir Harold MacMichael succeeds Sir Arthur 

Wauchope as High Commissioner for Palestine 
(March ist). 

Partition Commission in Palestine (May-July); 
publication of Report (November gth) . 

1939. Conference of British Government with Jews and 

Arabs at St. James's Palace, London (Febru- 

ary 8th-March iyth). 
Publication of White Paper on Future Policy 

(May i yth). 
Twenty-first Zionist Congress at Geneva (August 


1940. Publication of Palestine Land Transfer Regula- 

tions (February 2 8th). 

1941. Death of Menahem Ussishkin (October 2nd). 
Death of Justice Louis D. Brandeis (October 5th) . 

1942. British Government decides to create a Palestine 

Regiment of the British Army consisting of 
separate Jewish and Arab battalions. 

1943. Death of Dr. Arthur Ruppin (January 2nd). 

1944. Field-Marshal Lord Gort, V.C., succeeds Sir 

Harold MacMichael as High Commissioner 
for Palestine (October 3ist). 
British Government announces decision to create 
Jewish Brigade Group (September loth). 


1945. First World Zionist Conference after Second 

World War held in London (August ist-i3th). 

Resignation of Lord Gort as High Commissioner 
(November 2nd), and appointment of Lieut.- 
General Sir Alan Cunningham as his successor 
(November 2 2nd). 

Mr. Ernest Bevin, British Foreign Secretary, 
announces formation of Anglo-American Com- 
mittee of Inquiry on European Jewry and 
Palestine (November i3th). 

1946. Anglo-American Committee holds Inquiry in 

Washington, London, Europe, and Palestine 
(January-March) ; publication of Report (May 

Military raid upon Jewish Agency headquarters 
in Jerusalem and arrest of members of Execu- 
tive (June 2gth). 

British Government's Conference with Arabs in 
London (September loth-October 2nd). 

Twenty-second Zionist Congress at Basle 
(December gth-24th). 

1947. British Government's resumed Conference with 

Arabs in London (January 27th-February 

Martial law imposed on Jewish areas in Palestine 
(March 2nd~~ioth). 

General Assembly of United Nations, at New 
York, appoints Special Committee to submit 
proposals for solution of Palestine problem 
(April 28th-~May 25th). 

ILN.S.C.O.P. in Palestine (June i6th-July 
24th); publication of Report (August ist). 

General Assembly decides on partition of Pales- 
tine (November 29th). 

Beginning of armed Arab attacks upon Jews in 
Palestine (December ist). 


1948. Haganah captures Haifa (April 22nd), Acre, 

Tiberias, and other places; flight of Arabs from 

Termination of Mandatory Government and 

departure of High Commissioner (May I4th). 
Creation of State of Israel proclaimed by David 

Ben-Gurion, Prime Minister of Provisional 

Government (May i4th). 
War of aggression against Israel by invading 

armies of neighbouring Arab countries. 
Count Bernadotte appointed by Security Council 

as Mediator to effect truce and peace settle- 
ment (May 20th); assassinated (September 

Conciliation Commission appointed by Security 

Council to arrange final settlement (December 


1949. Britain accords de facto recognition to Israel 

(January 28th). 

Election of Constituent Assembly (Knesset] in 
Israel (January). 

Admission of Israel to United Nations agreed 
upon by Security Council and General 
Assembly (May nth). 

General Assembly decides in favour of inter- 
national regime for Jerusalem (December) . 

1950. Israel rejects internationalisation of Jerusalem; 

Knesset transferred from Tel- Aviv to Jerusalem. 
Britain accords de jure recognition to Israel (April 

Enactment of Law on the Return to Zion (July 




WHEREAS the Principal Allied Powers have agreed, 
for the purpose of giving effect to the pro- 
visions of Article 22 of the Covenant of the League 
of Nations, to entrust to a Mandatory selected by the 
said Powers the administration of the territory of Pales- 
tine, which formerly belonged to the Turkish Empire, 
within such boundaries as may be fixed by them; and 

Whereas the Principal Allied Powers have also agreed 
that the Mandatory should be responsible for putting 
into effect the declaration originally made on November 
2nd, 1917, by the Government of His Britannic Majesty, 
and adopted by the said Powers, in favour of the estab- 
lishment in Palestine of a national home for the Jewish 
people, it being clearly understood that nothing should 
be done which might prejudice the civil and religious 
rights of existing non-Jewish communities in Palestine, 
or the rights and political status enjoyed by Jews in any 
other country; and 

Whereas recognition has thereby been given to the 
historical connection of the Jewish people with Palestine 
and to the grounds for reconstituting their national home 
in that country; and 

Whereas the Principal Allied Powers have selected 
His Britannic Majesty as the Mandatory for Palestine; and 

Whereas the mandate in respect of Palestine has been 
formulated in the following terms and submitted to the 
Council of the League for approval; and 

Whereas His Britannic Majesty has accepted the 
mandate in respect of Palestine, and undertaken to 
exercise it on behalf of the League of Nations in con- 
formity with the following provisions; and 


Whereas by the aforementioned Article 22 (Paragraph 
8), it is provided that the degree of authority, control, or 
administration, to be exercised by the Mandatory not 
having been previously agreed upon by the Members of 
the League, shall be explicitly defined by the Council 
of the League of Nations; 

Confirming the said Mandate, defines its terms as 

Article i. The Mandatory shall have full powers of 
legislation and of administration, save as they may be 
limited by the terms of this mandate. 

Article 2. The Mandatory shall be responsible for 
placing the country under such political, administra- 
tive, and economic conditions as will secure the estab- 
lishment of the Jewish national home, as laid down in 
the preamble, and the development of self-governing 
institutions, and also for safeguarding the civil and 
religious rights of all the inhabitants of Palestine, 
irrespective of race and religion. 

Article 4. An appropriate Jewish agency shall be 
recognised as a public body for the purpose of advising 
and co-operating with the Administration of Palestine 
in such economic, social, and other matters as may 
affect the establishment of the Jewish national home and 
the interests of the Jewish population in Palestine, and, 
subject always to the control of the Administration, to 
assist and take part in the development of the country. 

The Zionist organisation, so long as its organisation 
and constitution are, in the opinion of the Mandatory, 
appropriate, shall be recognised as such agency. It shall 
take steps, in consultation with His Britannic Majesty's 
Government, to secure the co-operation of all Jews who 
are willing to assist in the establishment of the Jewish 
national home. 

Article 6. The Administration of Palestine, while 
ensuring that the rights and position of other sections of 
the population are not prejudiced, shall facilitate Jewish 
immigration under suitable conditions, and shall en- 
courage, in co-operation with the Jewish agency referred 


to in Article 4, close settlement by Jews on the land, 
including State lands and waste lands not required for 
public purposes. 

Article 7. The Administration of Palestine shall be 
responsible for enacting a nationality law. There shall 
be included in this law provisions framed so as to facili- 
tate the acquisition of Palestinian citizenship by Jews 
who take up their permanent residence in Palestine. 

Article u. The Administration may arrange with the 
Jewish agency mentioned in Article 4 to construct or 
operate, upon fair and equitable terms, any public 
works, services, and utilities, and to develop any of 
the natural resources of the country, in so far as these 
matters are not directly undertaken by the Administration. 

Article 15. The Mandatory shall see that complete 
freedom of conscience and the free exercise of all forms of 
worship, subject only to the maintenance of public order 
and morals, is ensured to all. No discrimination of any 
kind shall be made between the inhabitants of Palestine 
on the ground of race, religion, or language. No person 
shall be excluded from Palestine on the sole ground of 
his religious belief. 

The right of each community to maintain its own 
schools for the education of its own members in its own 
language, while conforming to such educational^require- 
ments of a general nature as the Administration may 
impose, shall not be denied or impaired. 

Article ^.English, Arabic, and Hebrew shall be the 
official languages of Palestine. Any statement or in- 
scription in Arabic on stamps or money in Palestine shall 
be repeated in Hebrew, and a statement or inscription 
in Hebrew shall be repeated in Arabic. 

Articles 23. The Administration of Palestine ^shall 
recognise the holy days of the respective communities in 
Palestine as legal days of rest for the members of such 

(The complete text of the Mandate is given in the 
author's The Zionist Movement.) 



JEWISH immigration into Palestine from 1882 is 
J usually divided into six main periods (or Aliyoth, 
literally "ascents"). The following figures (up to the 
year 1947 inclusive) are taken from Misparim, March, 
1948, the Hebrew Bulletin issued by the Statistical 
Department of the Jewish Agency for Palestine: 

First Aliyah: 1882-1903 .... 25,000 

Second Aliyah: 1904-1914 . . . 40,000 

Third Aliyah: 1919-1923: 1919 1,806 

1920 8,223 

1921 8,294 

1922 8,685 
*923 8,175 

Uncertificated i ,000 

Total 36,183 

Fourth Aliyah: 1924-1931 1924 13,892 

J 925 34,386 
1926 13,855 

*927 3>34 

1928 2,178 


Uncertificated 2,500 

Total 84,113 


Fifth Aliyah: 1932-1939 1932 9,553 

1933 30,327 

*934 42,359 

*935 61,854 

1936 29,727 

1937 io>536 

1938 12,868 
*939 27,561 

Uncertificated 39,800 

Total 264,585 

War period and after, 1940- 

1948 1940 8,398 

1941 5,886 

1942 3.733 

1943 8,507 

1944 14,464 

1945 13,121 

1946 17,761 
m 1947 21,542 

Uncertificated 1 9, i oo 

Total . . . 112,512 
1948 (to Sept. 30) . . , 70,000 

Grand Total 632,393 

From this total must be deducted 29,475, being the 
number of Jewish persons recorded as having left 
Palestine permanently in the period 1920-1938, accord- 
ing to the Palestine Government Report to the League 
of Nations for 1938. To the net total of 602,918 must be 
added the following further immigration into Israel: 

From October ist, 1948, to September soth, 

1949 259,912 

From October ist to December 3ist, 1949 . 46,672 

From January ist to June soth, 1950 . . 7 2 >542 

From July ist to December 3 ist, 1950 . 97>35 6 
Making a grand total immigration of 1,079,400 from 
1882 to December 3 ist, 1950. 



1948 (Palestine and Israel) . . 1183993 

1949 (Israel) .... 239,141 

1950 (Israel) .... 169,898 


(i) From European Countries: 

Poland 47>343 

Bulgaria ..... 20,008 

Czechoslovakia . . . 15,689 

Rumania .... *3?596 

Hungary ..... 6,844 

Germany .... 5,333 

Yugoslavia .... 2,470 

France ..... 1^654 

Austria ..... 1,620 

Greece . . . . . 1^364 

Other countries . . . 5^944 

Total ..... 121,865 

(ii) From Oriental Countries: 

Yemen 35^38 

Turkey ..... 26,295 

Algeria, Tunisia, and Morocco . 17,924 
Other parts of North Africa (mainly 

Libya) ..... 14,066 

Egypt 7>*45 

Iran ..... 1,778 

Iraq ..... 1,709 

Syria and Lebanon . . . 1,570 

Afghanistan .... 446 

Other parts of Asia . . . 4,335 

Total ..... 110,406 


(iii) From Other Countries: 

United States and Canada . . 602 

South and Central America . 711 

Union of South Africa . . 217 

" Other parts of Africa . . 90 

Oceania ..... 45 

Unspecified .... 5^05 

Total 6,870 


(i) ...... 121,865 

(ii) ...... 110,406 

(iii) ...... 6,870 

Grand total .... 239,141 



(from October ist, 1949^ to September 3Oth> 7950) 

(i) From European Countries: 

Rumania . . . 38,105 

Poland .... 20,222 
Hungary . . . .2,832 

Czechoslovakia . . 1,072 

France .... 1,345 
Germany . . .1,916 

Other countries. . . 43976 

Total .... 70,468 

(ii) From Oriental Countries: 

Yemen .... 29,762 
North Africa (Algeria, Libya, 

etc.) .... 22,454 
Egypt .... 9,643 
Iraq .... I7>4 X 7 

Iran .... 1*5813 

Syria .... 1,583 
Turkey .... 83084 
Other countries . . .1,811 

Total .... 97>5 6 7 

(iii) From other parts . , . 4>734 

Grand total . . . 172,769 



/i CGORDING to the estimates made by the Statistical 
\ Department of the Jewish Agency in Jerusalem, 
the Jewish population in Palestine at the end of 1946 was 
625,000. The number of non-Jews in Palestine amounted 
to 1,304,000 (including 1,143,000 Moslems, 145,100 
Christians, and 15,500 Druses). The Jews therefore 
formed 32-4 per cent, of the total population. The 
numerical increase of the Jews during the period 1922- 
1946 is shown by the following: 


Tear Total population Number of Jews percentage 
1922 725,000 83,000 1 1 -i 

I93 1 *,033>3 00 174,600 16-9 

J 936 1,340,000 400,000 29-8 

1942 1,657,000 5 x 7>ooo SJ'S 

1946 1,929,000 625,000 32-4 

Of the 625,000 Jews, 400,800 (64-1 per cent.) lived in 
six cities, 64,200 (10-3 per cent.) in 22 urban settlements, 
and 160,000 (25-6 per cent.) in 290 villages and small 

At the end of the Mandatory regime, in May, 1948, 
the Jewish population of Palestine was estimated at 
660,000. By the end of 1948 the number of Jews in Israel 
had risen through immigration to about 750,000. 




I 3 OOO ( 

Birth Rate 





1922-1937 (average) 

S 1 '^ 






















5 2> 4 


3 6-6 













Death Rate 





1922-1937 (average) 







































Tear Moslems Jews Christians 

1922-1937 (average) 25-01 21-43 20-58 

1938 28-54 18-15 21-84 

1939 29-04 15-45 19-78 

1940 22-68 15-54 18-90 

1941 27-82 12-78 17-97 

1942 25-31 14-13 15-66 

1943 33'4 21-5 24-9 

1944 3 6 '4 23-1 20-9 

1945 37-8 23-6 22-8 

1946 38-3 22-7 24-2 



The population of Israel at the end of December, 1950, 
was estimated to be as follows: 

Jews . ..... 

Arabs (registered) . . . 165,000 

Bedouin (non-registered) , . 20,000 

Druses ..... 18,000 

Total i,397>275 

To this total must be added a certain number of 
European, American, and other non-Jews. 







A< W 

< Jz; 


































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I3 61 















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1 1 

















Zionist Organisation consists of societies in 57 
JL countries in all parts of the world. Its members are 
organised mainly in either Territorial Federations or 
Separate Unions. There are at present 29 Zionist 
Federations, of which 14 are in Europe, 9 in America, 
5 in Africa, and one comprising societies in Australia and 
New Zealand. The Federations consist for the most part 
of General Zionists, who, as their name indicates, do not 
stand for any particular distinguishing principle within 
the movement. From 1931 to 1939 the General Zionists 
were divided into two groups, the A group co-operating 
usually with Labour, while the B group tended more to 
the Right. Since the end of the Second World War, 
however, the two groups have become reunited as the 
Confederation of General Zionists. In Israel the General 
Zionists are anti-Labour in orientation and take no part 
in the Coalition Government; but a section, who have 
adopted the name of Progressives, have withdrawn from 
the party and share in the Coalition. 
The Separate Unions are as follows: 

(a) The Mizrachi Organisation, which aims at 
developing Jewish life in Palestine on the basis of 
religious orthodoxy. It has a Labour section, Hapoel 
Hamizrachi, formed in 1922, which seeks to combine 
the doctrines of Socialism with the principles of the 
Torah. It has its own Chalutz organisation in the 
Diaspora, Bachad (Brit Chalutzim Datiim, "Coven- 
ant of Religious Pioneers"). 

(*) The Union of Poale ion ("Workers of fton"} 
Hitahduth ("Union 95 ), the principal Labour party, 
which aims at a synthesis of Zionism with Socialism. 
In Israel it is called "Mapai" (Mifleget Poale Eretz 


Israel] : it is a Social Democratic Party, of the same 
pattern as the British Labour Party. 

(c] The Left wing of Poale %ion-Hitahduth, which 
seceded in 1944 and formed a new party called 
Ahduth Avodah ("Unity of Labour") Poale ion. 

(d] Hashomer Hatzair ("The Young Watchman 53 ) , 
another Labour group, somewhat more to the Left, 
which lays more emphasis on Marxist principles. In 
January, 1948, Hashomer Hatzair combined with 
Ahduth Avodah to form a single party, Miflegeth Poalim 
Meuhadim (^"Mapam" United Workers 3 Party). 
"Mapam 33 is more Left than "Mapai": in foreign 
policy it wants closer contacts with the Soviet Union 
and less dependence on America, and it voted against 
the Knessefs decision approving United Nations 3 
policy in Korea. 

(e] The United Zionist Revisionists, comprising (i) 
the Revisionists, who first came into existence as a 
party in 1925 and seceded in 1935 to form the "New 
Zionist Organisation," and (ii) the Jewish State 
Party, who originally formed part of the Revisionists 
but remained within the Zionist Organisation under 
a new name. The reunion of the two sections took place 
in 1946 with the dissolution of the "New Zionist 
Organisation. 33 Besides demanding the "revision 33 of 
Zionist policy in the sense of a return to HerzFs 
original conception of a Jewish State, and that it 
should be on both sides of the Jordan, the Revisionists 
have always been opposed to Labour and Socialist 

(/) The Order of Ancient Maccabaeans, a friendly 
benefit organisation in England, which was formally 
recognised in 1909 as a Separate Union although it 
has no distinguishing principle, and which is affiliated 
to the Zionist Federation of Great Britain and Ireland. 

Besides the societies forming part of Federations or 
Separate Unions, there are also numerous societies or 
local groups in several lands, where the smallness of the 


Jewish population and geographical conditions make 
the existence of Federations or similar large bodies 
impracticable. These regions include India, the Straits 
Settlements (and formerly Egypt), as well as places in 
Central America and the Far East. In many countries 
there are also Federations of Women Zionists, which 
belong to the Women's International Zionist Organisa- 
tion, as well as Associations of Zionist Students and an 
organised Zionist youth movement. 

The supreme authority in the Zionist movement Is the 
Congress, which normally meets every two years, and 
which consists of a few hundred delegates elected on a 
party basis by the Shekel-payers. The annual payment of 
the Shekel (two shillings or its equivalent) is a funda- 
mental condition of membership of the Zionist Organisa- 
tion. For the Zionist Congress in December, 1946, one 
delegate was elected for every 8,000 Shekalim (4,000 in 
Palestine) . 

The Congress elects a General Council, which usually 
meets twice a year, and an Executive, both of which hold 
office until the next Congress. The General Council is at 
present composed of 77 members of all parties, elected 
in proportions corresponding to the strength of their 
delegations in Congress, and of 21 veteran members 
chosen in recognition of long service. The Executive (at 
present comprising 19 members, with one deputy- 
member) usually consists of a coalition based upon an 
agreed policy: its members are attached to the offices in 
Jerusalem, London, or New York, and meet together 
whenever necessary. 

The Congress also elects (a) a Congress Court (8 
lawyers and a chairman) for settling disputes between 
Zionist bodies or between Zionist bodies and individuals, 
as well as for deciding on the validity of elections to 
Congress; (b) a Court of Honour (10 lawyers and a 
chairman) for dealing with differences between in- 
dividual Zionists; and (c) a Congress Attorney (with 
two deputies) to represent the Zionist Organisation in 
the proceedings of these courts. 


Until 1929 the Zionist Organisation alone, as provided 
in the Mandate for Palestine (Article 4), was recognised 
as the Jewish Agency for the purpose of advising and 
co-operating with the Administration of Palestine in 
matters affecting the establishment of the Jewish 
National Home and the interests of the Jewish popula- 
tion in Palestine. In 1929 (as explained in Chapter IX) 
the Jewish Agency was enlarged by the co-operation of 
non-Zionists in a Council, Administrative Committee, 
and Executive each body composed of an equal 
number of Zionists and non-Zionists. The last meetings 
of the Council and Administrative Committee of the 
enlarged Jewish Agency took place in 1938, as, owing 
to the outbreak of war, none could take place in 1939. 
Since 1939 also there have been no non-Zionists in the 
Executive of the Jewish Agency. Owing to the destruc- 
tion or decimation of many Jewish communities in 
Europe and the extensive changes that have taken place 
in the geographical distribution of the Jewish people 
since the beginning of the Second World War, it has not 
yet proved possible to reconstruct the enlarged Jewish 
Agency. The Executive of the Zionist Organisation has 
therefore been carrying out all the political, economic, 
and other tasks of the Jewish Agency and has virtually 
become synonymous with it. 

Zionism has always been forbidden in the Soviet 
Union, nor has there been any relaxation as a result of 
Soviet support for the State of Israel. Since the summer 
of 1949 it has likewise been forbidden in the various 
countries of Central and Eastern Europe that have fallen 
under Russian domination, and leading Zionists have 
been persecuted. Zionist activities have also been banned 
in Moslem countries, especially since the United Nations 5 
decision in favour of the establishment of the Jewish 


Ahad Ha 5 am. Ten Essays on Zionism and Judaism. Trans- 
lated by Leon Simon. London, 1922. 
Balfour, Lord, Speeches on Zionism. Edited by Israel 

Cohen. London, 1928. 
Bein, Alex, Theodore HerzL Translated by Maurice 

Samuel. New York, 1940. 
Bentwich, Norman, England in Palestine, London, 1932. 

Judea Lives Again. London, 1944. 

Boehm Adolf, Die ionistische Bewegung, Vol. I (to 1918), 
Vienna, 1935. Vol. II (1918-25), Vienna, 1936. 
British Government Publications: 
Annual Reports on Palestine and Transjordan to the Council 

of the League of Nations., 1923-1938. 
Report of the Commission on the Palestine Disturbances of 

August, 1929. London, March, 1930. 
Palestine Royal Commission: Report. July, 1937. 
Palestine: Statement of Policy. May, 1939. 
The Political History of Palestine under British Administra- 
tion. Jerusalem, 1947. 

Cohen, Israel, The Zionist Movement. London, 1945. 

The Journal of a Jewish Traveller. London, 1925. 

The Jews in the War. 2nd edition. London, 1943. 

(edited by), Zionist Work in Palestine, London, 1911. 

Grossman, R. H. S., Palestine Mission. London, 1947. 
Crum, Bartley, Behind the Silken Curtain. New York, 1947. 
Frankenstein, Ernst, Justice for My People. London, 1943. 
Goodman, Paul (edited by), The Jewish National Home. 

London, 1943. 
(edited by), Chaim Weigmann: A Tribute. London, 

Halkin, Simon, Modern Hebrew Literature. New York, 

Heller, Joseph, The Zionist Idea. London, 1947. 


Herzl, Theodor, ^ionistische Schriften. Berlin, 1923. 

- Tagebiicher, 3 vols. Berlin, 1923. 

- The Jewish State, 3rd edition. Translated by Sylvie 

d'Avigdor, revised by Israel Cohen. London, 

Hess, Moses, Rome and Jerusalem. Translated by Meyer 

Waxman. New York, 1945. 

Hyamson, A. M., Palestine under Mandate. London, 1950. 
Jewish Agency Publications: 

Reports to the Council of the Jewish Agency (biennial), 

Memorandum submitted to the Palestine Royal Commission. 

November, 1936. 
The Jewish Case against the Palestine White Paper. June, 

Memorandum submitted to the Anglo-American Committee of 

Inquiry. Jerusalem, 1946. 

Book of Documents submitted to the General Assembly of the 

United Nations relating to the Establishment of the 

National Home for the Jewish People, 1917-19^7. 

New York, May, 1947. 

Joseph, Bernard, British Rule in Palestine. Washington, 


Kimche, Jon, Seven Fallen Pillars. (A criticism of British 
policy in the Middle East.) London, 1950. 

Kisch, Brigadier Frederick H., Palestine Diary. London, 

Klausner, Joseph, History of Modern Hebrew Literature. 

Translated by Canon H. Danby. London, 1932. 
Koestler, Arthur, Promise and Fulfilment. London, 1949. 
Levin, Harry, Jerusalem Embattled. London, 1950. 
Lloyd George, David, The Truth about the Peace Treaties. 

2 vols. London, 1938. 

Locker, Berl, A Stiff-Necked People. London, 1946. 
Lowdermilk, Walter G., Palestine, Land of Promise. 

London, 1944. 
Nordau, Anna and Maxa. Max Mordau. New York, 1943. 


Nordau, Max, ^ionistische Schriften. Cologne, 1909. 
Parkes, James, A History of Palestine. London, 1949. 

The Story of Jerusalem. London, 1950. 

Pearlman, Maurice, Mufti of Jerusalem. London, 1947. 
Pinsker, Leon, Road to Freedom: Writings and Addresses 

(including Auto-Emancipation). With Introduction 

by B. Netanyahu. New York, 1944. 
Rabinowicz, Oskar K., Fifty Tears of ionism. London, 

1950. A historical analysis of Dr. Weizmann's 

Trial and Error. 
Ruppin, Arthur, Three Decades of Palestine. Jerusalem, 


The Jewish Fate and Future. London, 1944. 

Simson, H. J., British Rule, and Rebellion. London, 1937. 
Sokolow, Nahum, History of Zionism (1600-1918), 2 vols. 

London, 1919. 
Temperley, H. M, V., History of the Peace Conference of 

Paris. Vol. VI. London, 1924. 
Weisgal, 'Meyer W., edited by, Cham Weizmann. New 

York, 1944. 
Weizmann, Chaim, Trial and Error (Autobiography). 

London, 1949. 
Zionist Organisation Publications: 

Reports of the Executive of the Zionist Organisation 
to Zionist Congresses, 1921-1946. 

Those desirous of consulting a more extensive range of 
books and documents are referred to the more com- 
prehensive Bibliography in the author's work, The 
Zionist Movement. 



Abdul Hamid, Sultan, 50, 53, 60 

Abdullah, Emir, 98, 99; King, 232, 239 

Abyssinia, 159, 160 

Acre, siege of, 15; 72, 143; gaol, 195, 

196, 199 

Adams, President John, 19 
Aden, 215 

Advisory Council, 96, 1 04 
Afforestation, 172 
Afghanistan, 205 
Africa, East, 188 

North, 84, 159, 1 8 1, 189, 242 

South, 113, 204, 205, 225 
Agricultural Experiment Station, 66 

settlements, 66; productivity, 108, 115; 
number of, 172; types of, 172 

training, 176 
Agudath Israel, 34, 176, 234; Poale 

Agudath Israel, 234 
Ahad Ha-am, 35-7, 49, 51 
Ahduth Avodah, 190, 264 
"Miasaf," 37 
Air Force, Israeli, 231, 241 
Akaba. See Aqaba 
Alamein, El, 160, 168 
Aleppo, 215 
Alexander II, 28 

Alien Immigration Commission, 51 
Aliy ah (immigration "wave"), first, 31; 
second, 65; third, 113; fourth, 1 13; 
fifth and later, 255-6 
Allenby, General, 70, 77, 78, 82 
Alliance Israelite, 21 
Altneulandy 51 

American-British Convention, 105 
American Jewish Committee, 124 

Zionists and Keren Hayesod, 87. See 

also United States. 
Amery, L. S., 99, 149, 220 
Amsterdam, 173 

Anglo-American Committee of Inquiry, 
99 > 185-7, 193 

Conference (Bermuda), 180 
Anglo-Jewish Association, 59, 73 
Anglo-Levantine Banking Co., 60 
Anglo-Palestine Bank, 64, 68, 89, 138, 

Co., 64 
Angola, 57 
Anti-Semitism in Austria, 33; in France, 

40-1; in Germany, 41 
Antwerp, 173 

Appeasement, policy of, 1 70 
Aqaba, 143, 189, 200, 232, 236 
Arab Agency, 104 

Communists, 234 

Congress, 109 

Delegation, 100 

Higher Committee, 140, 141, 186, 

194-5, 201, 205, 223 
labour, 63, 64, 65 
League, 215, 229 
National Committee, 81 
parties, 139, 147 
refugees, 229 

Arabs, attitude of, 81; grievances of, 130, 
1401; "displaced," 1323; re- 
bellion of, 139-46; benefits from 
Jewish progress, 142; political 
demands of, 192 
Aranha, Oswaldo, 214 
Argentina, 42, 43, 113 
Arlosoroff, Chaim, 136 
Armistice agreements, 2356 
Arrests of Jews, 195 
Art, 177 

Asefath Hanivharim, 97, 168 
Ashdod, 199 
Asluj, 200 
Athlit, 69 
Atlantic, S.S., 154 
Attacks by Arabs, 81, 91, 99, 123, 128- 

30, 140 seq. 

Attlee, C. R., 183, 187, 190 
Auja, 20; River, 106, 1 18 
Australia, 194, 204, 263 
Austria, Hoveve ^ion^ 33; Government of, 

76; Parliament, 59 
Auto-Emancipation, 257 
Avigdor, Elim d 5 , 34 
Avigdor-Goldsmid, Sir Osmond d*, 34 

BACH AD, 263 

Baden, Grand Duke of, 45, 49 

Bagdad, 236 

Bafibur Declaration, 1 7, 72-7, 82, 84, 88, 

91, 99, 100-3, 123, 145, 150, 153, 

169, 182, 212, 219, 230 
Balfour, Lord, 71, 72, 73, 74, 80, 81, 82, 


Balfouria, 105 
Balkan countries, 166, 180 
Ban on Zionist activities, 266 
Banks (in Palestine or Israel), 119; 

German Jewish, 138, 175 
Basle, 45, 62, 190 

Programme, 46-7, 56, 57, 6 1 
Bedouin, 21, 65, 81 
Beeley, Harold, 206 
Beersheba, 200, 210, 231 
Beer Tuvia, 143 
Beisan, 106, 133, 163 
Belgium, 213 
Ben-Gurion, David, 168, 191, 224, 225, 

S34> 235, 240 

Ben-Shemen, 64, 66 

Benjamin, Brigadier E. F., 159 

Ben- Yehuda Street, 222 

Berlin, 21, 34, 35, 59, 62, 69 

Bermuda Conference, 180 

Bernadotte, Count Folke, 225, 227-8 

Bernadotte proposals, 228-30 

Berne, 34 

Bessarabia, 83 

Bethlehem, 143, 199, 237 

Bevin, Ernest, 184-5, 187, 191, 193, 

Beyrout, 64, 146, 195, 215 

Bezalel, 64 

Bialik Foundation, 177 

Bialystok, 29, 36 

Bible, 1 20 

Biltmore Programme, 1812 

Bilu, Biluim, 29, 31, 34, 64 

Bi-national state, 190 

Birnbaum, Nathan, 33 

Birth-rate, 260 

Bluestone, Joseph, 34 

Blum, Leon, 126 

"Bnei Mosheh," 36 

Board of Deputies of British Jews, 17, 73 

Bolivia, 214 

Bolzano Cemetery, 159 

Bombay, 92 

Brandeis, Justice L. D., 73, 74, 87 

Brazil, 214 

Brigade Group, Jewish, 158-9 

British- American Convention, 104 

British Dominions, 84 

British Government, attitude to U.N. 
proposals of partition of Palestine, 
201-14; approves Bernadotte pro- 
posals, 229; opposes Israel's ad- 
mission to United Nations, 233; 
recognition of Israel, 233 j attitude 
on internationalisation of Jeru- 
salem, 239 

Brodetsky, Professor S., 191 

Brody, 29 

Brussels Conference, 59 

Budgets, of Zionist Organisation (and 
Jewish Agency), 90, 138, 151, 
174-5, 191 (1946); of Israel, 241 

Buenos Aires, 92 

Building industry, 118, 152, 171 

Bulgaria, 162; emigration from, 242 

Bunche, Dr. R., 235 

"Burma Road," 226 

Butler, R. A., 148 

Byron, Lord, 16 

Byzantines, 30 

Cadogan, Sir Alexander, 206, 210-11, 


Cairo, 92, 98, 215 
Canada, 194, 204, 205, 213 
Cantons, 143 

INDEX 271 

Capital, imported into Palestine 
(Israel), 135, 137-8, 175 

Carlsbad, 88 

Carmel Wine Co., 37 

Caro, R. Joseph, 20 

Cazalet, Sir Edward, 18, 29 
Colonel Victor, 18 

Cecil, Viscount, 77 

Central America, 265 

Chamberlain, Neville, 155 

Chancellor, Sir John, 129 

Charter, for Palestine, 49, 50, 57, 61 

Chekri Ganem, 79 

Chicago, 34 

Chief Rabbis, 97 

Chosroes II, 30 

Churchill, Colonel Charles H., 1 7 
Winston, forecasts Jewish State, 77; 
makes offer to Emir Abdullah, 98; 
rejects Arab demands, 99; issues 
1922 White Paper, 100; condemns 
White Paper of 1939, 149; an- 
nounces formation of Jewish 
Brigade Group, 158; praises Jewish 
soldiers, 160; attitude to White 
Paper of 1939, 181; discussions 
with Dr. Weizmann, 182; dissolu- 
tion of his Government, 183; 
absent from Commons debate, 
217; criticises Labour Govern- 
ment's Palestine policy, 233 

Churchill, White Paper, in, 131 

Citizenship law, 107 

Citrus fruit, 115, 152, 173 

Civil Service, 235 

Clapp, Gordon, 237 

Cleveland Convention, 87 

Close settlement, 106, 132-3, 142 

Coalition Cabinet (Israel), 234, 263 

Colleges, 176 

Cologne, 22, 48, 57, 62, 92 

Colombian delegate, 213 

Colonial Office, 91, 98, 127, 184, 206 
Secretary, 139, 148, 168, 191, 216 

Colonisation department, 89 

Commerce, 119, 174 

Commissions of Inquiry: Haycraft, 99; 
Shaw, 129-30; Royal, 141 seq,$ 
Partition, 146-7 

Committee of Jewish Delegations, 85 

Communal, or collective, settlements, 

Communist Party, 234 

Concentration camps, 180 

Conciliation Commission, 232-3, 236-8 

Conder, Colonel C. R., 17 

Conferences, Zionist, in 1919, 845; in 
1920, 85-8; at St. James's Palace, 
147-8; at Biltmore Hotel, New 
York, 182; of Arabs in London 
(1946), 190, (1947), 191 

Congress, Zionist, First, 46-7; Second, 
48; Third, 49; Fourth, 49; Fifth, 

272 INDEX 

Congress, cont. 

49; Sixth, 53; Seventh, 56-7; 
Eighth, 61; Ninth, 61-2; Tenth, 
62; Eleventh, 62; Twelfth, 88; 
Thirteenth, 125; Fourteenth, 125; 
Sixteenth, 126; Seventeenth, 135- 
6; Eighteenth, 136; Nineteenth, 
137; Twentieth, 144; Twenty- 
First, 150; Twenty-Second, 190. 
Also pp. 262, 265 
Attorney, 265 
Court, 265 

Constantinople, 29, 32, 45, 49, 60 

Constituent Assembly, 233-5 

Constitution (of Zionist Organisation), 90 

Co-operative farms, 66; settlements, 1 14; 
societies, 114-5, J 74 

Copenhagen, 69 

Court of Honour, 265 

Crete, 161 

Cromer, Lord, 52 

Cromwell, 14 

Grossman, Richard, 187, 217 

Crum, Bartley, 185, 187 

Crusaders, 30 

Culture, national, 49, 50 

Cunningham, Sir Alan, 223 

Curzon, Lord, 82 

Cyprus, 51, 189, 196, 197, 218, 221 

Cyrenaica, 57 

Czechoslovakia, 194, 204, 205, 214; 
emigration from, 242 

Dalton, Hugh, 183 
Damascus, 81, 161 

blood accusation, 22 

Committee, 81 
Darien, 154 

Dead Sea, 117, 164, 173-4, 210, 236 
Death-rate, 260 
Deeds, Sir Wyndham, 95 
Degania, 65, 66 
Democratic Zionist Fraction, 49 
Denmark, 214 
Deportation, 189, 195, 197 
Dewey, Governor, 184 
Diamond-polishing, 173 
Diaspora, 15, 36, 46, 89, 121, 244 
Dietary laws, 243 
Diplomatic greetings, 88 
Diseases, 121 
Dispersion, 13 
Displaced Arabs, 1324 

persons, 187, 195 
Disraeli, Benjamin, 16 
Divers, 174 
Djemal Pasha, 68 
"Dole'* system, 114 
Dome of the Rock, 128 
Drama, 177 
Dreyfus, Alfred, 40 

Drugs, synthetic, 163 
Drusgenik, 33 
Duhring, Eugen, 41 
Duma (Russian), 589 
Dunant, Jean H., 1 8 


East End (London), Jews in, 51 

Eban, Aubrey, 240 

Economic Board, joint (in "Unscop" 
Report), 198, 204 

Economic Board for Palestine, 119, 175 

Economic Survey Group, 237 

Eden, Anthony, 233 

Education system, 119-20, 176 

Eger, Rabbi Akiba, 20 

Egypt, 52, 69, 79, 129, 140, 148, 183, 
190, 205, 215, 225; armistice 
agreement with, 235-6; 265 

Egyptian Government, 52 

Ein Karm, 237 

Einstein, Professor Albert, 126 

Ekron, 32 

ElAlamein, 160, 168 

Election of Knesset, 234; Municipal, 234 

Electric power stations, 106, 173 

Elegies on Zion, 14 

Eliot, George, 16 

Emek. See Jezreel, Valley of. 

Emigration, from Russia, 53, 59; from 
Poland, 114; from Germany, 135; 
from Bulgaria, 242; from Czecho- 
slovakia, 242; from Oriental coun- 
tries, 256, 258 

Engeddi, 236 

England, Hoveve %ion societies, 34; 
Zionist Federation, 48; Zionist 
activity, 84 

"Eretz Yisrael," 96 

Eritrea, 159, 160, 195 

Esdraelon, Valley of, 105, 199 

Estonia, 83 

Eucalyptus trees, 37 

Executive (Zionist, Jewish Agency), in 
London, 84, 86, 88, 90-1, 147; in 
Jerusalem, 91, no, 114, 117, 119, 
121, 155, 166, 181, 182, 221, 223 

"Exodus, 1947," 19^-7 

Export-Import Bank, 242 

Eylath, 236 


Factories, 118, 163, 173 

Farming, 63; girls' training farm, 65; 

co-operative, 66, 115 
Farouk, King, 232 
Fascist persecution, 187 
Fast of Ab, 95 
"Fatherland Front," 227 
Fawzi el Kawukji, 231 
Federations, 92, 263-5 
Feinberg, Joseph, 31 
Feisal, Emir, 79, 80, 81, 98 



Fighting Force, Jewish, 156 

Finland, 83 

Finn, Joseph, 28 

Fishing industry, 174 

Flag, Jewish, 159 

Flanders, 156 

Foreign Affairs, 181 

Foreign Office (British), 78, 98, 184, 206, 

Secretary, 185, 191, 193 

France, Vichy, 166 

Frankel, Lee K., 126 

Frankfurt-on-the-Oder, 2 1 

Frankfurter, Justice Felix, 80 

Freedom Party, 234 

Freier, Recha, 165 

French, Lewis, 133 

Government, 73, 150; Mandate for 
Syria, 81; French Delegate (at 
U.N.) 213; member of Concilia- 
tion Commission, 233 
Revolution, 41 


Galilee, 37, 105, 143, 172, 229; liberation 
of, 236 

Eastern, 189, 199, 200 

Lower, 115 

Western, 199, 203, 210, 226, 230 
Galilee, Sea of, 106 
Gallipoli, 70 

Gawler, Colonel George, 17 
Gaza, 227, 231 
Gederah, 32 
Gelber, N. M., 15 
Gendarmerie, 108 

General Assembly. See United Nations. 
General Zionists, 89, 92, 190, 191, 234, 


Geneva, 34, 91, 195 
German Emperor, 45, 49 
German Government, declaration on 

Palestine, 76, 166 
Germany, 83; Jews of, 137; Reichsbank, 

Ginsberg, Asher, 35. See also Ahad Haam. 

Mordecai A., 23 
Goldsmid, Colonel Albert, 34 
Gordon, Mrs., E. A., 54 

Jehuda L., 23 
Gottheil, Rabbi Gustav, 34 

Professor Richard, 34 
Graetz, Heinrich, 22 
Great Britain, Zionist Federation of, 264 
Greece, 159, 160, 161 
Greenberg, L. J., 51-2 
Grey, Sir Edward, 71 
Gromyko, M., 194, 213 
Grossman, Meir, 136 
Gruenbaum, Isaac, 124 
Gruenberg, Abraham, 33 
Gruner, Dov, 195 
Guatemala, 194, 204, 205 

Habimah, 177 
Hachsharah, 86 
Hadassah, 93 

Hospital, 164, 222 

Medical Organisation, 121 
Haganah) 167, 168, 189, 195, 221, 222, 

223, 225, 226 
Hague, The, 61, 151 
Haham Bashi, 60 

Haifa, 66, 67, 72, 106, 1 18, 140, 143, 153, 
154, 161, 163, 174, 199, 210, 215, 

222, 226, 229, 230 

Bay, 163 

Hakirya, 240 

Halevi, Jehuda, 14 

Halifax, Lord, 148 

Halukah, 30-1, 35, 64 

Halutzim, 86, 89, 113 

Halutziut, 92 

Hamburg, 61, 197 

Hamelitz, 35 

Handicrafts, 173 

Hantke, Arthur, 62 

Haolam, 92 

Hapoel Hamizrachi, 234, 263 

Hapoel Hatzair, 92 

Haram al-Sherif, 128 

Harlech, Lord, 78, 168 

Harrison, Earl G., 184 

Hashitoah, 37 

Hashamer, 65, 68 

Hashomer Hatzdr, 93, 190, 264 

Haskalah, 23-5 

"Hatikvah," 18, 151 

Hatzejirah, 58 

Ha-Vaad Hazmani y 97 

Hazith Hamoledeth, 227 

Health services, 120-1, 175 

Hebraists, Conference of, 63 

Hebrew, study of, 28; official language of 
Zionist movement, 62; as medium 
of instruction, 66-7, 1 76; official 
language under Mandate, 96 
University. See University. 

Hebron, 128, 129 

Hechler, Rev. "William, 45 

Hedera, 37 

Hedjaz, King of, 98 
Delegation, 79 

HehalutZt 93 

Henderson, Arthur, 129 

Hertz, Chief Rabbi J. H., 74 

Herut, 234 

Herzl, Theodor, early years, 40; The 
Jewish State, 41-3; convenes First 
Congress, 46; political negotia- 
tions, 50-3 j visit to Russia, 53; 
death of, 55; on synthesis in 
Zionism, 61 

"Herzl Gymnasium," 64 

Hess, Moses, 21-2, 41 

Hibbath Zion, 18, 28-39 

274 INDEX 

High Commissioners (for Palestine), 82, 
95, ioo, 104, 1 06, 107, 129, 139, 
167, 189, 192, 223 

"Hilfsverein der deutschen Juden,'* 59, 

Hirsch, Baron Maurice de, 43 

Histadruth, 114-5, 116, 167 

Hitahduth, 263 

Hitler, 90, 165, 180; Hitlerism, 135 

Holland, 213. See also Netherlands. 

Holy Cities, 30 

Places, 148, 199, 200, 226, 229; pro- 
posed international regime for 
protection, 230, 233, 237-40; 
Moslem, 130 

Hong Kong, 108 

Hospitals, 121, 176 

Hovem ion, 28-39, 48, 63 

Hubermann, Bronislaw, 177 

Hulda, 66, 169 

Huleh, 133, 163 

Hungary, 242 

Hussein, Sherif of Mecca, 79, 98 

Husseini, Jamal, 202 

Hydro-electric station, 106 


"I.C.A." See Jewish Colonisation Associa- 

Ideology, 120 

"Illegal immigrants,'* 189, 197 

Imber, Naphtali H., 18, 151 

Immigration, limitation of (by 1922 
White Paper), 101; regulation of, 
in is; fluctuation in, 113-14; 
increase in 1932-5, 134-5; pro- 
posed restriction (1937), 142-44; 
White Paper (1939) restrictions, 
148-9; "illegal," 153-55; applica- 
tion for 100,000 certificates, 184; 
measures against, 186; from Orien- 
tal countries, 242; statistics, 254-7 

Immigration Office, in Jerusalem, 86 

India, 194, 265 

Indian troops, 169 

Industries, 118, 163-4, 173-4 

Institute of Jewish Studies, 1 76 

International Court of Justice, 212 
Refugee Organisation, 212 

Internment, 229 

Iran, 194. See also Persia. 

Iraq, ban on Zionism, 84; 140, 148, 165, 
190, 205, 215, 225, 242 

Irgun ZoaiLewii, 1 86, 188, 195, 196, 221, 
223, 227 

Isaiah, 95 

Israel, establishment of, 223-5; applica- 
tion for admission to United 
Nations, 233; admitted to United 
Nations, 237; attitude to inter- 
nationalisation of Jerusalem, 238- 
9; budget, 241 

Istanbul, 154 

Italy, 1 59; King of, 54 
"I.T.O." See Jewish Territorial Organi- 
"Itoists," 57, 58 

JABOTINSKY, VLADIMIR, 70, 125, 136, 137 

Jacobson, Victor, 34, 60, 62 

Jaffa, 37, 62, 64, 99, 140, 143, 199, 203, 

Jamal Husseini, 202 

Jassy, 151 

Jastrow, Rabbi Marcus, 34 

Jehuda Halevi, 14 

Jerusalem, prayers for restoration, 13; 
anti-Jewish demonstrations, 81, 
215; Mayor of, 97; siege of, 221-2, 
226; proposed United Nations 
control, 229; raided by Egyptian 
aircraft, 232; proposed interna- 
tional regime, 237-8; proposed 
Statute for control, 240 

Jewish Agency, no; extension of, 123-7; 
Council of, 126-7, 138, 145; raid 
on headquarters, 222; constitution 
of, 265-6 

Jewish Chronicle, 227 

Jewish Colonial Trust, 48, 53, 54, 60, 63 
Colonisation Association, 43, 52, 63, 


National Fund, establishment of, 50; 
propaganda in Tsarist Russia, 59; 
office in Cologne, 62; provides site 
for school, 64; stamps, 68; office 
in The Hague, 69; organ of land 
policy, 86, 87; transfer of office to 
Jerusalem, 89; provides land for 
settlements, 116; functions of, 117; 
relation to Jewish Agency, 126, 
127; land acquisition in 1939-45, 
163; extent of land possessions, 
1 72; total income, 1 75 

Jewish State, The (pamphlet), 41, 63 

Jewish State, area of proposed, 210 
State Party, 136-7, 264 
Territorial Organisation, 567 

Jezreel, Valley of, 66, 89, 115, 143, 172, 

Johannesburg, 92 

Johnson, Heischel, 203, 213 

Joint Palestine Survey Commission, 125 

Jones, A. Creech, 201-2, 204, 206, 216 

Jordan, River, 106, 118, 153 

Kingdom of, 239. See also Transjordaru 
Valley, 133 

Joseph, Dov, 235 

Judaea, Roman destruction of, 13, 14; 

Judaeans, the, 70 

Julian the Apostate, 30 

"KADIMAH," 33, 44 
Kadoorie, Sir Ellis, 108 
Kahn, Zadoc, 34 
Kalischer, Rabbi Z. Hirsch, 20-1 

Kann, Jacobus, 48, 62 

Kaplan, Eliezer, 191, 235 

Katamon, 222 

Katra, 32 

Kattowitz Conference, 32 

Kenya, 195 

Keren Hayesod, 87, 90, 116, 117, 119; 

relation to Jewish Agency, 127; 

172; total raised, 174 
Kfar Avodah, 1 72 
Kfar Etzyon, 223 
Kharkov Conference, 54 
Kharkov University, 29 
Kibbutz, 172 
King David Hotel, 188 
Kinnereth, 65 
Kiryat Shmuel, 222 
Kisch, Brigadier Fredk. H., 160 
Kishinev, 52 

Knesset, 234-5; transfer to Jerusalem, 240 
Kook Institute, 1 77 
Kremlin, 239 
Kuneitra, 161 

Kupath Holim, 121, 1 75, 1 76 
1 1 6, 172 

INDEX 275 

Library, Jewish National and University, 

120, 176 
Libya, 159 
Lie, Trygve, 214 
Ligne, Prince de, 15 
Literature, 177 
Lithuania, 83 
Liturgy, 13 
Lloyd George, David, 70-2, 75, 77, 79, 

82, 132 

Loans, for Palestine, 108, 134 
Locker, Berl, 191 
Locust plague, 69 
London, 49, 50 
Losses in war, 162 
Louis XIV, 15 
Lucerne, 137 
Lueger, Karl, 41 
Lurie, Joseph, 34 
Lydda, airport, 210, 226, 229, 230 

LABOUR, JEWISH, 112; depression, 114 
parties, 89, 190; schools, 120 
Department, 114 
Exchanges, 115 
Labour Government (British), 183; 

Party, 183 

Laharanne, Ernest, 18 
Lake Success, 201, 240. See also United 

Land, purchases of, 89; transfer restric- 

tions, 144, 149, 153, 187; growth 

of Jewish land possessions, 172 
Langallerie, Marquis de, 15 
Language, in schools, 66 
Language Board, 1 76 
Language conflict, 67 
Lansdowne, Lord, 52 
Latrun, 188 
Latvia, 83 

Lausanne, Conference, 236-7 
Law on Return to Zion, 242 
Lawrence, T. E., 79, 98 
Lazarus, Emma, 19 
League of Nations, 80, 85, 91, 102, 104, 

133, 136, 143, 144-5, H8 ? 150 
Lebanon, 162, 190; delegate of, 213; 215, 

225; signs armistice agreement, 


Lebensohn, Abraham, 23 
Legations, 241 
Legislative Assembly (Knesset), 241 

Council, 100, 103, 139 
Levanda, Judah L., 28 
Levin, Rabbi Meir, 235 

Shmarya, 34, 62 
Levinsohn, Isaac Beer, 23 
^Liberation Army," 231 

Maccabaeans, 43 
MacDonald, Malcolm, 148 

Ramsay, 131 

MacMichael, Sir Harold, 167 
Mafraq, 232 

Maimon, Rabbi J. L., 235 
Malaria, 121 
Malcolm, James, 72 
Malta, 129, 140 
Mamelukes, 30 
Manara, 231 
Manchester Guardian, 70 
Manchester University, 70 
Mandate for Palestine, 82; its primary 

purpose, 83; ratification of, 102; 

interpretation of, 149-50; end of, 

223; text of, 251-3 
Mandates Commission (Permanent), 91, 

104, 131, 145, 149, 153, 168 
Mandelstamm, Dr. Max, 29 
Manufactures, 118 
Mapai, 190, 234-5, 263 
Mapam, 190, 234, 264 
Mapu, A., 23 
Marmora, Sea of, 154 
Marshall, Louis, 124, 125, 127 
Martial law, 195 
Martin, John, 206 
Marx, Karl, 21 
Marxism, 93, 264 
Maskilim, 235 

Mauritius Island, 154, 155, 159 
McMahon, Sir H., 79, 99 
Medical services, 121 
Mehemet Ali, 1 7 
Meir, Chief Rabbi Jacob, 60 
Melchett, Lord, 119, 126, 127 
Mendelssohn, M., 23 
Mendes, Pereira, 34 
Merhavia, 66 
Messiah, 14, 44 



Messianic doctrine, 44 

Metullah, 81 

Meyerson, Goldie, 235 

Middle East, 181 

Mikveh Israel, 21 

Military Administration, 81, 95 

Military arms trials, 167 

Military services of Jews, 15662 

Millenarians, 14 

Miller, D. Hunter, 79 

Mills, 1 1 8, 163 

Milner, Lord, 80 

Milos, 154 

Mineral deposits, 117, 1 73 

Ministry of Information, 76 

Minority rights, 85 

* 'Mission of Judaism, 3 * 36 

Mizrachi, 58, 89, 91, 92, 120, 190, 191, 

234, 263 
Mohilever, Rabbi Samuel, 28-9, 31, 32, 


Mond, Sir Alfred, 119 
Mongols, 30 
Montagu, Edwin S., 74 
Montefiore, Sir Moses, 16, 17, 20, 32 
Montgomery, Field-Marshal, 160 
Morrison, Herbert, 149, 183, 188 
Morrison Plan, 188-9 
Morton, Sir Desmond, 237 
Moser, Jacob, 64 
Moshav Olim, 172 

Qwdim, 116-17 

Shitufi, 172 
Moshava, 116 
Moslem community, 97 

Council, Supreme, 98, 129, 142, 

countries, ban on Zionism, 266 
Mosque of el-Aksa, 128 

of Omar, 1 29 
Motor transport, 118 
Motzkin, Leo, 34, 85 
Mount Carmel, 115 

Scopus, 78, 222 
Mufti of Jerusalem, 97, 129, 130, 142, 

146, 215 
Munich, 45 

Municipal elections, 107, 234 
Museum of Archaeology, 176 
Music, 177 


Napoleon Bonaparte, 15 

III, 1 8 

Nathanyah, 196 
National anthem, 151 

Council (of Israel), 224 

Councils, Jewish (in Europe), 224 

Defence Party, 147 

Home, Jewish, definition of, 75, 101 
Nationality law, 102 
Nautical institutions, 161, 176 
Navy, Jews in, 161; Israeli, 231, 241 

Nazareth, 143, 233 

bloc, 234 
Nazi Germany, 140, 166 

invasion, 152 

persecution, 135, 153-4, l6 5> *86, 187 
Negev, 1 88, 189, 199, 210, 226, 229, 230, 

231, 232, 236 
Netherlands, 194 
Netter, Charles, 21 
New Freie Presse, 40, 43, 46 
Neumann, Dr. Emanuel, 206 
New Judaea, The, 92 
New York, 19,34, 92 
New Zealand, 204, 213, 263 
New Zionist Organisation, 137, 190, 264 
Newspapers, 177 
Niemirower, Rabbi Dr., 61 
Noah, Mordecai M., 19 
Noel-Baker, Philip, 149, 183 
Nordau, Max, 43, 46-7, 54, 62, 86 
Novelists, 177 
Novomeysky, M., 174 
Nuri Pasha, General, 141 


Odessa, 28, 29, 33, 35 

Odessa Committee, 33, 34, 35, 36, 38, 63 

"Ohel," 177 

Oil pipe-line, 140 

Oliphant, Laurence, 18, 29, 31 

Omar, Caliph, 30 

"Operation Magic Carpet," 242 

Oppenheimer, Franz, 66 

Order of Ancient Maccabaeans, 264 

Oriental countries, 242; emigration from, 
256, 258 

Ormsby-Gore, W., 78, 168 

Ottoman Government. See Turkish Gov- 

Outrages, Arab. See Attacks. 

Oxford, Lord, 71 

Pakistan, 204 
Palestine Economic Corporation, 119, 


Electric Corporation, 118 
Exploration Society, 18 
Office, Jaffa, 62, 65 
Land Development Co., 65 
Palestine Post, 222 
Palmerston, Lord, 17 
Panama, 204, 214 
Parachutists, 162 
Paris, 50, 80, 85, 87 

Parliament, debates in: (1922), 100, 101; 
(1930), 132; (1937), 144; (I939), 
149; (December 1947), 216-18; 
(December, 1948), 233 
Parties, Jewish political, 234 
Partisan missions, 162 
Partition of Palestine: scheme of Royal 
Commission, 143-6; report of 



Partition Commission, 1467; pro- 
posals of U.N.S.C.O.P., 197-200, 
204; plan adopted by United 
Nations, 207-13 

Passfield, Lord, 131 
White Paper, 131-2 

Patent processes, 173 

Patria, 154 

Paulli, Oliger, 15 

Peace Conference (1919), 79-80, 82, 84 

Pearlman, M., 98 

Peel, Earl, 141 

Persecution of Zionists, 266 

Persia, 113, 242; delegate of, 214. See 
also Iran. 

Persians, 30 

Peru, 194 

Petah Tikvah, 31 

Philadelphia, 34 

Philharmonic Orchestra, 177 

Philippines, 214 

P.I.C.A., 115, 119 

Pilgrimages, 14 

Pinsker, Leon, 25-7, 28, 32, 33, 41, 42 
Simha, 26 

Plantations, fruit, 115 

Plehve, Von, 53, 60 

Plumer, Lord, 107-9 

Poale Zion, 58, 91, 92, 93, 263, 264 

Poets, 177 

Pogroms, Russian, 19, 28, 52, 59, 65 

Poland, 83, 151, 204, 205, 225; delegate 
of, 213; emigration from, 242 

Police, Palestine, 108, 158 

"Political high level," 142, 144 

Political parties, 234 
Zionists, 57 

Pope Pius X, 54 

Population, Jewish, of Palestine, 29; in 
seventh century, 30; in nineteenth 
century, 38; in 1925, 106; in 
1929 and 1948, 171; 1922-48,259; 
of Jewish State, 210, 242, 261 

Port Arthur, 69 

Ports, 174 

Portugal, 150 

Poultry-breeding, 115 

Practical Zionists, 57-8 

Prague, 88 

Prayers for Zion, 13 

Preparation Fund, 87 

President Warfield, S.S., 196 

Presidential Election, 184 

Press, Zionist, 92; Hebrew, 177 

Prime Minister's (Ramsay MacDonald's) 
Letter, 132 

Problem, solution of Jewish, 198, 203 

Progressive Front, 234-5, 263 

Prophecies, Biblical, 75 

Protest-Rabbiner, 44 

Provisional Government (of Israel), 

Pseudo-Messiahs, 14 

Public Debt (of Palestine), 144 
Publishing firms, 37 

"Quest of Zion/' 51 


Rabbi, Chief, of Palestine, 1 77; of Israel, 


Rabinowicz, O. K., 61 
Rabinowitz, Saul P., 28, 32 
Rabbis, German, 45 
Radical Party, 124 
Raid upon Jewish Agency Offices, 188 
Ramath Gan, 163, 196 

Hakovesh, 169 
Ramleh, 153 
Ras-el-Nakura, 143 
Red Cross, International, 18 
Red Sea, 165 
Refugees, Jewish, 153-4, J 59> ^3? 164, 

165, 166, 195, 220; Arab, 229, 

Regiment, Jewish (in First World War), 

Rehaviah, S22 

Rehovoth, 36, 165, 232 
Religious Front, United, 234, 235 

laws, 89; observance, 120, 243 
Remez, David, 235 
Reorganisation Commission, 88 
Research Institute, Daniel SiefT, 165 
Resistance movement, 94 
Restoration, advocates of, 15-27 
Restoration Fund, 87 
Revisionists, 125, 136-7, 186, 190; 

secession of, 137, 264; votes in 

Knesset election, 234 
Revolution, in Russia, 65 
Riots. See Attacks. 
Rishon le-Zion, 31, 37 
"Road of Courage, 1 ' 226 
Romans, 13, 29, 30 
Rome, 54 

Rome and Jerusalem) 22 
Roosevelt, Franklin D., 184 
Rosen, Pinhas, 235 
Rosh Pinah, 31 

Rothschild, Baron Amschel Mayer, 20 
Baron Edmond de, 32, 37, 45, 63, 115, 


Lord (first), 51 
Lord (Walter), 74 
Rumania, Jews of, 31; Hoveve ion, 33; 

refugees from, 154; emigration 

from, 242 

Ruppin, Arthur, 62, 65 
Russia, Tsarist: persecution in, 26, 28; 

pogroms, 52, 59; ban on Zionist 

activity, 53, 266; Zionist progress, 

Soviet, 71; isolation of Jews, 83; ban 

on Zionism, 84; negotiations with, 



Soviet cont. 

165; in United Nations, 205; 
supports partition, 204.; recognises 
Israel, 225; supports Israel's ad- 
mission to United Nations, 233; 
attitude to internationalisation of 
Jerusalem, 240 

Rutenberg, P., 106, 117, 118, 173 


Sacrifices, revival of, 20 

Safed, 30, 31, 129, 161, 222 

Salonika, 60, 174 

Salvador, Joseph, 18 

Salvador, 154 

Samaria, 37, 172, 199 

Samarin, 31, 32 

Samuel, Viscount (Herbert), first meet- 
ing with Dr. Weizmann, 70; sub- 
mits memorandum on Palestine to 
Cabinet, 71; forecasts Jewish self- 
government in Palestine, 77; 
appointed High Commissioner, 
82; administers Palestine, 95 
107; addresses Jewish Agency 
Council, 126 
Sir Stuart, 73, 74 

San Remo, 82 

Sandstroem, Judge E., 194 

Saracens, 30 

Saudi Arabia, 148, 190, 215, 226 

Schools before First War, 66; after First 
War, 119-20; under Vaad Lettmi, 

Schulman, Caiman, 23 

Scott, C. P., 70 

Security, absence of, 168 

Security Council, 206, 207, 210, 216, 
218, 225, 226-7-8, 231, 233 

Self-taxation, 90 

Seljuk Turks, 30 

Separate Union, 91, 263, 264 

Sephardi Group, 234, 235 

Sephardim, 97 

Serot, Colonel, 227 

Settlements, early, 31; close settlement, 
1 06; collective, 116 

Shaftesbury, Lord, 16-17 

Shanghai, 92 

Shapiro, Moshe, 235 

Sharett, Moshe, 225, 235, 237, 239. See 
also Shertok, M. 

Sharon, Plain of, 172, 222 

Shatzar, Zalman, 235 

Shaw Commission's Report, 129-30 

Shekel, 47, 59, 137 

Shekel-payers, 89, 91, 190, 265 

Shertok, M., 191, 205, 206. See also 

Shield of David, 159 

Shipping companies, 174 

Ships with "illegal" immigrants, 196-7 

Shipyards, 174 

Shitrit, Behor, 235 

Skulchan Aruch, 20 

Siam, 214 

Siberia, 113 

Silver, Rabbi Dr. A. Hillel, 191, 202-3 

Simpson, Sir J. Hope, 131 

Sinai Peninsula, 51-2, 232 

Singapore, 92 

Slovakia, 162 

Smolenskin, P., 23, 33 

Smuggling of Arms, 167 

Smuts, General, 132 

Snell, Lord, 130 

Socialism, 58, 65, 92, 263 

Sokolow, Nahum, History of Zionism, 15; 
General Secretary, 58; resignation 
as General Secretary, 62; member 
of Zionist Executive, 62; co-opera- 
ates in negotiations for Balfour 
Declaration, 72-74; at Peace Con- 
ference (1919), 80; at San Remo 
Conference, 82; Chairman of 
Zionist Executive, 86; President of 
Zionist Executive, 91; President of 
Zionist Organisation and Jewish 
Agency, 136; Hon. President of 
Zionist Organisation, 138 

SolelBoneh, 174 

Soviet bloc, 239 
Union. See Russia, Soviet. 

Spire, Andr6, 80 

St. James's Palace Conferences, 147 

Stanley, Oliver, 217 

State lands, 106 

Stern group, 186, 195, 221, 227, 234 

Stolypin, 60 

Straits Setdements, 265 

Strikes, 114 

Struma, 154-5 

Students, 33, 34, 44, 113; Association of 
Zionists, 265 

Suez Canal, 22 

Sweden, 194; Swedish Foreign Office, 

Sykes, Sir Mark, 72 

Sykes-Picot Agreement, 72 

Symphony Orchestra, 177 

Synthetic Zionism, 61 

Syria, 69, 79, 98, 140, 159, 162, 183, 190, 
215, 225, 233; signs armistice 
agreement, 236 

Syrian Delegation (at 1919 Peace Con- 
ference), 79 

Szold, Rabbi Benjamin, 34 

Szold, Miss Henrietta, 34, 165 


Talmud, 120 

Tantura, 153 

Technical Institute (Haifa), 67, 120, 


Technical training, 176 
Teheran, 165 

Tel-Aviv, founding of, 65, 68, 69, 106, 
113; population (1929), 118; 136, 
161; population (1948), 171; port, 
174; I95> 196, 199, 215, 222, 223, 
232, 235 

Tel Hai, 81 

Temple of Jerusalem, 13, 15 

Territorial Federations, 263 

Terrorism, Arab, 128-9, 140 seq.i 
Jewish, 1 86, 195 

Theatres, 177 

Tiberias, 143, 222 

Tiberias, Sea of, 65, 66 

Times, The, 73, 79, 132, 161, 227 

"Tnuvah," 173 

Torah, 263 

Trachoma, 121 

Trade Unions, 114-15 

Transjordan, 70, 97, 98-9, 103, 143, 148, 

190, 215, 225, 226, 229, 236 
Arab Legion, 218 
Frontier Force, 108 

Trials, military, 167-8 

Tripoli, 162 

Tropical diseases, 164 

Truce, 226, 227 

Truman, President, 184, 190, 225, 231 

Trumpeldor, Joseph, 69, 81 

Trusteeship agreement, 187 
Council, 192, 199, 209, 240, 241 

Tsarapkin, M., 204 
' Tsardonij 65 

Tschlenow, Yechiel, 62, 72, 84 

Tunisia, 159, 160 

Turkey, Sultan of, 45, 50; Revolution in, 
60-61 ; Peace Treaty with, 82; ban 
on Zionism, 84 

Turkish Government, 61, 68, 154, 165; 
declaration concerning Palestine, 
76; member of Conciliation Com- 
mission, 233 

Turks, Ottoman, 30 

"Tushiyah," 37 

Typhus, 164 


United Nations, 192-3; discussion of 
U-N.S.C.O.P.'s Report, 201-14; 
decision in favour of partition of 
Palestine, 2145 Secretary-General 
of, 227 

General Assembly, April, 1947, 194; 
Political Committee and General 
Assembly, September-November, 
1947, 201-14; September, 1948, 
230-3; autumn, 1949, 238-9; 
autumn, 1950, 241 
Special Committee on Palestine 
(U.N.S.C.O.P.), 1 94 seq.-, Majority 
Report, 197-95 Minority Report, 
I 99200 

United States, emigration to, 28; Hoveve 
Zj,on societies, 34; Zionist Organisa- 

INDEX 279 

tion, 48, Congress, 76; Hadassah, 
93; Congress resolution on Jewish 
National Home, 105; Convention 
with Britain, 105; American 
Jewry's participation in Jewish 
Agency, 124-7; at United Nations, 
203-4, 205, 213-14; proposes plan 
of Trusteeship, 221; supports 
Israel's application for admission 
to United Nations, 233; member 
of Conciliation Commission, 233; 
bonds with Israel, 244 

United Zionist Revisionists, 1 90, 264 

University, in Jerusalem, 18, 50, 63, 78; 
inauguration of, 105; faculties of, 
120; 164, 176, 222 

Urban developments, 118 

Uruguay, 194, 204, 205, 213 

Ussishkin, Menahem, Chairman of Hoveve 
ZJon, 33; opposition to East Africa 
scheme, 54; leader of Russian 
Zionists, 62; at Peace Conference 
of 1919, 80; member of Zionist 
Executive, 91; President of Con- 
gress, 151 

VAAD LEUMI^J, no, 155, 158, 176, 195, 


Vambery, Arminius, 50 
Vegetable-growing, 173 
Venezuela, 205 

Vienna, 33, 34, 35, 40, 41, 43, 45, 54, 62 
Vilna, 28, 33, 53, 58 
Vine-growing, 37, 38 
Volunteers, registration of, 155 


"Wailing Wall." See Western Wall. 

Wakf, 128; Committee, 146 

War, First World, 67, 68-70 
Second World, 152-68, 266 
Jewish, of defence, 221-7 

War Cabinet, 132 

Warburg, Felix, 126, 127 
Otto, 62 

Warren, Sir Charles, 17 

Warsaw, 28, 93 

Wassermann, Oscar, 126 

Watchmen, 65 

Wavell, Field-Marshal, 159, 160 

Webb, Sidney, 129. See also Passfield, 

Weizmann, Chaim, member of students* 
society, 34; leader of Democratic 
Zionist Fraction, 49-50; on 
synthesis in Zionism, 61; advo- 
cates Hebrew University, 63; lec- 
turer at Manchester University, 
70; negotiations for Balfour De- 
claration, 70-4; process for mak- 
ing acetone, 71; Director of Ad- 
miralty Laboratories, 71; head of 
Zionist Commission, 77; meets 


Weizmann, Chaim cont. 

Feisal at Aqaba, 78-9; signs agree- 
ment with Feisal, 79; at Peace 
Conference, 80; at San Remo, 82; 
elected to Zionist Executive, 84; 
President of Zionist Organisation, 
86, 91; activities for extension of 
Jewish Agency, 124-7; resignation 
of, 132, 135-6; re-elected Presi- 
dent of Zionist Organisation, 138; 
arraigns British Government, 1 50; 
letter to Prime Minister Chamber- 
lain, 155; founder of Sieff Re- 
search Institute, 165; advocates 
Jewish State, 181; submits Mem- 
orandum to Prime Minister 
Churchill, 182; submits statement 
to U.N.S.C.O.P., 194; addresses 
United Nations, 205; President of 
Provisional Government, 225; Pre- 
sident of Israel, 234 

Welt, Die, 45, 62 

Western Desert, 160 

Western Wall, 128-9 

White Papers: Churchill (1922), 79, 100- 
1 01 , 1 1 1 ; on Western Wall, 1 28-9; 
Passfield (1930), 131; MacDonald 
(1939), 88, 148-51, 181 

William II (German Emperor), 49 
III (of England), 15 

Wilson, President Woodrow, 73, 76, 77 
Sir H. Maitland, 161 

Wine-cellars, 37 
trade, 118 

Wise, Rabbi Aaron, 34 
Rabbi Dr. Stephen, 34 

Witte, M., 53 

Wolffsohn, David, 48, 57-61 
Women's International Zionist Organisa- 
tion, 20, 93, 176, 234, 265 
Woodhead, Sir John, 147 
Workshops, 173 


Yemen, 148, 190, 205, 215, 242 

Yemenite Jews, 64 

Yemenites (political party), 234 

Yesod Hamaalah, 31 

Young Turks, 60 

Youth Aliyak, 165 

movement, 93 
Yugoslavia, 162, 194 


"Zeire Zion," 92 

Zichron Jacob, 32, 69, 222 

Zion Mule Corps, 69, 70 

Zionism, origin of term, 33; Spiritual and 
Cultural, 36; Synthetic, 61 

Zionist Bulletin, The, 92 

Zionist Central Office in Vienna, 47; 
transference to Cologne, 57; trans- 
ference to Berlin, 62; established 
in London, 84 

Commission (1918), 77-8, 84, 87 
Organisation, establishment of, 47; 
relation to Jewish Agency, 126-7; 
future need of, 243; composition 
and constitution, 263-6 

Zurich, 126, 128, 144, 201 

1 30 348